Stop sending ‘quack’ teachers to Chinese schools

The teaching standards in Chinese primary schools are under threat even as the Education Ministry continues to send them under-qualified teachers.

The federal government should stop sending non-Chinese literate teachers who have "not even passed UPSR-level Chinese subjects" to teach in Chinese primary schools in Sarawak.

According to Sibu MP Wong Ho Leng, sending non-Chinese qualified teachers to these schools will seriously affect the teaching standards in the state.

"I am given to understand that 29 headmasters, 39 assistant headmasters and 287 teachers who do not have Chinese qualifications are sent to serve in Chinese primary schools in Sarawak.

"Most of these teachers did not even pass UPSR's Chinese subjects.

"This cannot be right. The government must ensure that headmasters who are sent to serve in Chinese primary schools must pass the Chinese subject in SPM.

"With headmasters and teachers not knowing Chinese, it is no wonder that I have received frequent complaints that some headmasters had been discouraging students from taking Chinese subjects, or even if they do, not to sit for exams for fear that they will pull down the school results.

"This has become a serious problem in many schools in Sarawak and the education ministry must look into it to right a wrong to the Chinese community, " said Wong who is also state DAP chairman.

Debating the royal address in Parliament, he said that the current practice was "not conducive to educational development" and unacceptable to the Chinese community at large.

"The practice of sending teachers without Chinese qualification to Chinese primary schools will severely affect the teaching standards and administration of these schools, "

"It is not conducive to educational development, especially when it is well accepted that Chinese schools contribute tremendously to national development.

"The fact that there are 355 teachers who are non-Chinese qualified are teaching in Chinese schools means that there is a shortage of this number of teaching staff in Sarawak.

"The government should rectify this situation immediately," he said.

UEC, why no approval?

Alluding to the needs of the Chinese community in Sarawak, Wong said that it was time that the government realised that 222 of the 1,294 Chinese primary schools in the country where situated in Sarawak.

"I believe it is only fair for Sarawakians to demand that 20% of education allocations be provided to Chinese primary schools in Sarawak," he said.

While he welcomed the government's decision to recognise qualifications from 146 universities from China, he questioned its hesitance to approve the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) issued here.

"This is good news. But I want to know why the goverment is not recognising the Unified Examination Certificates (UEC) which is recognised by the universities in China for the purpose of adminission into university?" he asked.

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Tingkatkan perkhidmatan dan keyakinan rakyat — Suffian Abu Bakar

24 MAC — Hari Polis Ke-205 akan disambut esok oleh bukan sahaja 111,450 orang pegawai dan anggotanya malah sebahagian besar masyarakat orang awam di negara ini yang terlibat secara tidak langsung dengan organisasi terbesar pasukan penguat kuasa tersebut.

Sejarahnya dilakar apabila Piagam Keadilan (Charter of Justice) oleh penjajah Inggeris bermula di Pulau Pinang pada 25 Mac 1807, maka wujudlah organisasi polis moden di Malaysia yang mencontohi sistem tersusun dan teratur polis British.

Menjadi sebuah pasukan yang lebih dua abad beroperasi, Polis Diraja Malaysia (PDRM) pastinya sudah boleh dianggap matang dan di bawah kepimpinan Ketua Polis Negara, Tan Sri Ismail Omar sejak September 2010, PDRM kini berdepan dengan pelbagai bentuk cabaran, khususnya era globalisasi ketika ini di mana rakyat lebih bersikap terbuka dan bebas mengkritik.

PDRM menjadi sebuah organisasi yang bertanggungjawab mengawal keselamatan dan ketenteraman negara dan sebagai orang awam, penulis juga menyanjung tinggi pasukan ini.

Bersempena Sambutan Hari Polis Ke-205 ini, beberapa perkara ingin diluahkan penulis sebagai orang awam agar PDRM terus menjadi sebuah pasukan yang mantap, berkredibiliti tinggi dan tidak mudah goyah, biarpun sering diasak kiri dan kanan, depan dan belakang oleh segelintir pihak yang kerjanya hanya mahu mencari salah pasukan ini.

PDRM perlu lebih tegas menangani kegiatan subversif atau puak berhaluan kiri yang suka menimbulkan kekecohan. Kumpulan ini hanya menunggu peluang untuk mencari salah polis, antaranya mendakwa polis bersikap kejam dan zalim terhadap mereka yang menyertai perhimpunan jalanan.

Dalam isu ini, polis tidak sewajarnya terikut-ikut dengan rentak mereka, jangan sampai tersilap langkah sehingga puak ini mengambil kesempatan dan untuk itu, ketegasan pihak polis harus dilakukan mengikut lunas undang-undang yang tepat.

Sebagai contoh, dalam menangani perhimpunan haram, jangan ada aksi-aksi anggota polis yang bertindak kasar terhadap orang awam, sedangkan orang ramai yang tidak berada di tempat kejadian, tidak tahu apa sebenar yang berlaku di situ. Peserta perhimpunan sering melakukan provokasi yang melampau dan apabila polis bertindak, tindakan polis itulah akan dijadikan isu pula.

Kita harus ingat, boleh dikatakan setiap orang kini memiliki telefon bimbit berkamera yang boleh merakamkan setiap perbuatan, kemudian dimuatnaik dalam YouTube dan inilah yang banyak berlaku apabila rakaman itu tersebar dan didakwa kononnya polis bertindak ganas dan menyebabkan peserta memberontak ketika menangani perhimpunan haram.

Begitu juga dengan pasukan peronda trafik. Sejak kebelakangan ini, ada pihak yang merakamkan aksi mereka ditahan oleh polis trafik dan adakalanya anggota polis itu sendiri tidak sedar bahawa aksinya dirakamkan.

Maka timbullah cerita kononnya polis trafik ini kuat "makan suap". Jika benar pemandu itu salah, saman sahaja mereka dan hindari amalan rasuah sebab aksi anda kini dirakamkan dan boleh ditonton di seluruh dunia. Jangan disebabkan seorang dua anggota polis berbuat demikian, satu pasukan yang akan terpalit sama.

Seperkara lagi, PDRM juga harus merapatkan jurang antara masyarakat dan pasukan itu. Memang benar, polis mengadakan pelbagai program seperti komuniti kepolisan, Polis Bersama Rakyat, rondaan bersama di tempat awam, kita akui semua usaha baik itu.

Tetapi hakikatnya cuba kita bayangkan, apa yang bermain di fikiran orang awam jika sebuah kereta peronda polis (MPV) masuk ke kampung dan beberapa anggota polis berhenti minum di sebuah kedai kopi, beranikah orang awam itu berbual-bual dengan anggota polis tersebut? atau adakah petugas penguat kuasa itu akan menegur semua orang yang ada di kedai kopi itu? Sedar atau tidak, masih wujud jurang antara orang awam dan polis. Masyarakat mungkin takut atau gugup bila berdepan dengan polis. Memang sewajarnya polis dihormati bukan digeruni sehingga menyukarkan komunikasi, namun rasa hormat itu kini kian terhakis.

Sebaliknya, terdapat segelintir masyarakat seolah-olah "menyampah" dengan polis. Cubalah kita baca komen-komen dalam laman sosial, atau laman web yang antikerajaan, imej PDRM dipandang negatif oleh mereka. Polis dihina begitu teruk, seolah-olah polis sebagai pencacai atau anjing kerajaan sedangkan mereka hanya melaksanakan tugas yang diamanahkan.

Inilah cabaran yang harus diatasi oleh polis sebenarnya. Meningkatkan keyakinan masyarakat terhadap pasukan itu, dan tidak lagi sewenang-wenangnya dikata diperalat oleh kerajaan. Rakyat perlu hormat kepada polis dan tidak menjadikan pasukan tersebut sebagai modal untuk membelasah kerajaan.

Bagaimana caranya untuk menangani cabaran ini? PDRM perlu meningkatkan keyakinan masyarakat terhadap keikhlasan tugas mereka. Polis perlu menjadi pasukan penguat kuasa yang tegas dan pada masa sama dihormati. Sekiranya ada pihak yang cuba memainkan isu negatif membabitkan PDRM, cari mereka dan hukum mengikut undang-undang. Jangan biar perkara ini menjadi barah yang akan merebak dan membunuh pasukan ini sendiri apabila tiba masanya.

Kita sedar, semangat untuk membenci pasukan ini diwujudkan oleh pihak yang sengaja mencari peluang, untuk itu, PDRM tidak seharusnya membuka peluang kepada puak ini untuk menyebarkan dakyah dan kebencian mereka terhadap kesucian dan keikhlasan tugas sebagai anggota polis.

Penulis yakin masyarakat Malaysia menaruh harapan tinggi terhadap perkhidmatan PDRM. Sepanjang 205 tahun mengawal keselamatan negara, kita tidak mahu pasukan ini diperkotak-katikkan pihak tertentu yang sebenarnya hanya mahu mendapatkan keuntungan politik. Sebagai pasukan keselamatan yang matang PDRM pastinya mempunyai cara mendekatkan diri dengan rakyat dan pada masa sama menjadi sebuah institusi yang berpengaruh dan dihormati.

Selamat Hari Polis kepada semua warga Sang Saka Biru semoga sambutan kali ini lebih bermakna buat anda semua dan rakyat Malaysia. — Utusan Malaysia

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

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Ke Arah Mana Melayu?

Ngilai setan menyeram semula di Tanah Melayu.

Lebih kurang 40 tahun setelah Tun Abdul Razak Hussein mengambil kuasa pada tahun 1970 dan menerokai jalan terang untuk membasmi kemiskinan dan menstrukturkan semula masyarakat supaya membolehkan Melayu dan Bumiputera beroleh peluang untuk menempah nasib badannya di bumi sendiri, agihan pendapatan antara Bumiputera dan Bukan-Bumiputera sudah kembali cemas.

Pendapatan purata rumahtangga Cina di Malaysia, sebagai contoh, kini berada sekali ganda pendapatan purata rumahtangga Melayu, satu keadaan yang lebih berat berbanding keadaannya pada tahun 1969 manakala lebih 63 peratus Melayu berada di luarbandar sedangkan kebanyakan Cina menduduki bandar-bandar.

Di Kuala Lumpur jumlah Melayu tak sampai pun tujuh peratus pada tahun 1969, termasuk PJ. Itulah tahun yang membawa tumpah darah akibat konflik perkauman.

Sekarang lebih kurang 63 peratus orang Melayu menghuni bandar-bandar di Malaysia. Namun, prestasi mereka dalam perkarangan ekonomi bandaran yang korporatis/komersyel/konsumeris ini jauh sekali daripada memuaskan, bermakna dengan ringkasnya, Melayu (dan Bumiputera) masih tidak punyai daya saingan dengan kaum Cina dan lain-lain.

Maka kerajaan menyandarkan dasar kemajuan Melayu dan Bumiputera pada golongan elita, khusus elita yang celik komerse sebagai kontrakter, biznezmen atau tokoh korporat.

Darinya lahirlah segelintir Taikong-Taikong Melayu yang dengan kerjasama saudagar-saudagar Cina dan India dapatlah sebilangan menjadi bilioner dan multimilioner.

Dengan kejayaan seperti itu lahirlah susunan masyarakat Melayu yang kelihatan bagai pucuk rebong, sayup menajam.

Dengan itu maka terjadilah adegan yang sungguh menarik bila Amanah Saham Nasional telah dilancarkan.

Hanya empat peratus orang-orang yang terkaya telah kebas 80 peratus daripada saham-saham Amanah Saham Nasional dan baki 20 peratus saham bagai hampas itulah yang dimiliki orang-orang Melayu dan Bumiputera seperti ibubapamu.
Di sam ping itu Dasar Ekonomi Baru Tun Razak habis diselewengkan dan projek-projek untuk kemajuan Melayu dan Bumiputera disongglap. Sebanyak 85 peratus daripada jumlah besar projek-projek itu telah meniris.

Angka yang disebut itu adalah dedahan Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (Pak Lah) sewaktu beliau menjadi PM. Kita tidak punyai sebarang sebab untuk menyangsikannya.

Siapa yang hendak kita salahkan? Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad?

Kepimpinan Dr Mahathir maju akan tetapi celar kerana korupsi terbuka yang terlalu menjadi-jadi seolah-olah kemajuan mustahil dicapaikan tanpa rasuah.

Walau demikian, Dr Mahathir telah berjaya mehjadikan Malaysia sebuah negara industri dan meningkatkan pendapatan serta pendidikan sebilangan yang cukup untuk orang ramai menghormatinya.

Kadar dan tahap kemajuan yang tercapai oleh kerajaan BN pada zaman Mahathir belum pernah dirasakan di Malaysia sebelumnya. Oleh yang demikian orang ramai menyokong Mahathir meskipun semua tahu rasuah menjadi-jadi pada 17 tahun daripada 22 tahun yang beliau memimpin.

Dalam lain perkataan, kejayaan materialis yang tercapai adalah cukup untuk meluntur dan melampuskan tekad moral dan akhlak masyarakat Melayu dan lain-lain masyarakat Malaysia, bermaksud orang ramai membiarkan rasuah dan kesongglapan itu terus berlaku.

Tak mungkin Dr Mahathir seorang saja yang betanggungjawab. Mahathir kerja keras dan berjaya memperkenalkan Malaysia pada seluruh dunia sebagai salah sebuah negara yang melawan arus dan dinanti-nanti untuk menjadi negara Asean dan negara Islam pertama yang mendakap status negara maju.

Mahathir turut berjaya memberikan harapan kepada rakyat.

Zamannya menghadapi kemelesetan ekonomi yang perit berulangkali dan ditojah pula oleh ghaza matawang (currency raid) yang akibatnya sungguh dahsyat. Beliau berkeras dan beliau bertahan. Jika tidak rakyat jelatalah yang akan menanggung derita menahun.

Sekiranya kita menuruti kemahuan Anwar Ibrahim yang hendak menyorongkan negara ke bawah! IMF pad a tahun 1998, semua lembaga dan tabung amanah Melayu dan Bumiputera dah tetap dipaksa tutup. Ke mana destini Malaysia dan khususnya destini Melayu, justeru tentu sekali masih menggelap sampai sekarang bagai orang minyak.

Mahathir mengikat matawang Malaysia kepada dolar Amerika dan langkah itu menahan kejatuhan matawang kita sehingga meranap . Langkah itu sekaligus menyelamatkan wang simpanan rakyat dalam bank dan tabung-tabung simpanan lain, tidak seperti di negara-negara Asean lain dan di Asia Timur yang terpaksa menutup banyak bank, bermakna semua simpanan rakyat lesap dengan sekelipmata.

Urusan ekonomi, kewangan, dagangan, matawang, pelaburan dan tabungan di dunia banyak sekali karenahnya. Karenah-karenah ini bukannya jenis yang mampu diatasi melalui pelaksanaan Undang-Undang Hudud maupun dengan kita menuruti teks Dharuriyat al-Khamsa (lima keutamaan masyarakat) yang dikumandangkan oleh Imam al-Ghazali pada abad ke 12/13 Masehi.

Dunia sudah tak serupa sejak masa itu. Demikian lagi prioritas pada pentadbiran ekonomi, sosial dan geopolitik dunia. Semua sudah jauh berubah.

Meskipun nilai-nilai kemanusiaan pada Dharuriyat al-Khamsa yang diutarakan oleh Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang mungkin memenuhi maslahah (kepentingan awam/public interest) yang kita cita-citakan, alam sekitaran atau environ manusia tidak mengizin kita mendirikan keutamaan-keutamaan yang sama.

Wanita zaman sekarang mahu hak yang sama dengan lelaki dan turut mahu mendirikan kerjaya. Apakah kita masih hendak menidakkan hak wanita dan mahu supaya mereka kembali ke dapur, menjaga anak-anak dan melayan suami saja?

Penduduk bumi, yang mencapai jumlah satu bilion pada tahun 1900, kini sudah melebehi tujuh bilion, yakni tujuh kali lipatganda dalam tempuh 112 tahun.

Keutamaan masyarakat tak mungkin sama di antara masyarakat abad ke 12/13 dan sekarang.

Islam sudah jauh ketinggalan. Kesan dan akibat Inner City (Pusat Dalaman Bandaraya) pada pertumbuhan kanak-kanak dan remaja! pun bel um ada sebarang jawapan daripada tokoh-tokoh ulama dan ustaz-ustaz seluruh umat Islam. Inikan pula masalahnya merupakan masalah global.

Islam tidak terlibat secara langsung dalam urusan mencapai solusi untuk cabaran-cabaran zaman sekarang. Hudud yang ditagih. Apakah semua cabaran zaman akan terhapus secara automatis bilamana Hudud dilaksanakan?

Akan tetapi ini adalah keperihalan aqidah dan syariat yang agama mengutamakan. Apakah masalah-masalah duniawi lebih baik dihadapi secara sekuler dan agama bukan medannya untuk mecari solusi-solusi yang diperlukan, justeru, merupakan soalan yang tidak mungkin mahu diterima oleh mereka yang percaya agama Islam sebagai agama yang telah Tuhan sempurnakan untuk selama-lamanya.

Sementara waktu, bagi negara-negara yang memerlukan pelaburan asing, sama-sama kita tahu untuk setiap dolar yang dilabur lebih kurang lapan dolar akan dibawa pulang ke negara asal modal pelaburan itu.

Pada yang lazim semakin banyak laburan asing dimasukkan ke dalam negaramu semakinlah kau akan menjadi kurus kering, kecuali golongan yang berkuasa dan yang menelan rasuah.

Kalaulah negara mendapat laburan hedge funds pula, seperti Greece, alangkah cantiknya bunga-bunga yang kemekaran nanti – sampai bankrup dikebas olehnya!

Apa jawapan mufti-mufti dan para syaikh ul-Islam sehubungan kesonggalapan kewangan dan dana laburan seperti yang berlaku itu, dulu di Brazil, sekarang pada Greece dan beberapa buah negara Eropah lain.

Apa Islam punyai jawapan? Di mana hendak kita mencarinya?

Maka berhadapan dengan hakikat Malaysia sebagai sisa penjajah dan Melayu dan Bumiputera terbiar kelantaran di bawah rejim penjajah, maka Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, sejurus selepas beliau berkuasa pada tahun 1970, oleh beliau diperkenalkan Barisan Nasional dan Dasar Ekonomi Baru.

Kita tahu Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) mendokong matlamat membasmikan kemiskinan dan menstrukturkan semula masyarakat. Itu kita dah tahu.

Akan tetapi, disebalik ! semua it u adalah langkah Tun Razak mengambilalih kuasa ke atas syarikat-syarikat multinasional British yang telah mereka dirikan pada zaman penjajahan dan yang memilki sebahagian besar hartanah dan hasil mahsul Malaysia.

Tun Razaklah yang berbuat demikian dengan satu kumpulan kecil tokoh-tokoh muda Melayu dan Bumiputera sehingga ibu-pejabat-ibu pejabat syarikat besar-besaran seperti Sime Darby, Guthries, London Tin dan lain-lainnya dapat dikuasai oleh dana tempatan dan sekaligus lembaga pengarah mereka diambilalih.

Itulah objektif utama nasionalisma Melayu. Itulah dia lorong yang membolehkan anak Melayu dan Bumiputera menjelajah angkasa koporat. Sampai pada masa itu sebilangan ahli-ahli Pas bersetuju dengan sayap kiri Melayu untuk menerokai dasar sekuler sebagai pendekatan untuk menangani masalah Melayu dan Bumputra yang menjadi sisa penjajahan.

Kalau tidak dilakukan sedemikian itu, haram anak-anak Melayu dan Bumiputera hendak menjejaki pengurusan tinggi dan lembaga pengarah syarikat-syarikat multinasional yang tersebut itu supaya membolehkan mereka menjadi global players.

Begitulah keutamaan sosialis, bukan keutamaan Islam dan tak semestinya keutamaan nasionalis.

Tun Razak adalah ahli Parti Buruh. Beliau bukan Komunis. Beliau sosialis yang menuruti evolusi dan bukan revolusi. Beliau tidak merampas dan memiliknegarakan sebarang harta atau syarikat-syarikat yang berkenaan. Beliau beroleh saham-saham secara pembelian pada pasaran.

Langkah Tun Razak itulah yang telah memberikan nyawa dan harapan kepada Melayu dan Bumiputera untuk menjadi pemain pada pentas global.

Maka kita perlu tanya kenapa sekarang ini sebilangan yang ramai di antara ahli-ahli Umno sudah menyombong dan dengan angkuh mereka memberitahu kita Umno tidak mahu sosialisme.

Aduh! Apakah mereka ini tahu selok-belok sosialisme atau yang disuarakan itu semata-mata bodoh-sombong orang-orang yang tidak bermoral, tidak berakhlak, dan hanya menyertai Umno untuk menjadi kaya melalui rasuah dan ! kesonggl apan?

Inilah yang kelihatan telah terjadi pada Umno. Parti besar itu tidak lagi mempunyai sebarang landasan ideologi. Islam pun tidak, nasionalis pun tidak dan sosialis samasekali tidak,tidak, tidak. Maka oportunislah yang lekat pada dahi mereka itu. Oportunisme dalam alam serba mewah berkorupsi!

Kalau sudah tidak mahu lagi lorong ideologi Tun Razak, apakah pula jawapan yang ada pada Umno untuk membolehkan Melayu dan Bumiputera menangani cabaran-cabaran dan gejala-gejala zaman? Mana dia pemikiran-pemikiran yang bernas dan bergemilang bagai geliga itu? Siapa tokoh-tokoh pemikirnya? Siapa? [Bersambung] –a. ghani ismail, 24 Mac, 2012

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Nalla: I will not be silenced

KUALA LUMPUR: Senator KS Nallakaruppan declared that he will not be silenced by a legal notice from Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim demanding that he ceases making statements about the latter.

He confirmed receiving the notice from Anwar's lawyer N Surendran on March 20 demanding that he pay Anwar RM100 million in damages for accusing him of being a bisexual and unfit to be opposition leader.

The report was carried by Utusan Malaysia and contained claims by Nallakaruppan that Anwar had an affair with a male employee of Magnum Corporation as well as a married woman. The Umno daily is also being sued for the same amount.

According to Nallakaruppan, the legal notice further demanded that he publish a full withdrawal and apology in Utusan and refrain from making any future statements pertaining to Anwar.

Nallakaruppan said he had been given 48 hours to respond to the notice but added that he had no intentions of doing so.

"I will not reply the letter and I will continue talking about Anwar until he takes me to court," he promised at a media conference this morning. "I want to see Anwar in court even if it is as early as next week"

"Anwar is just trying to shut all of us up because the elections are nearing. The purpose of this legal notice is not to uphold the truth but is politically motivated," he added.

The Malaysian Indian United Party (MIUP) president reminded the media that he had been openly speaking about Anwar's alleged misdeeds since 2007 but the Permatang Pauh MP never once made a move to sue him until now seeing as the general election is tipped to be held in June.

He also recalled that despite the Federal Court overturning Anwar's sodomy conviction in 2004, three of its judges had nevertheless written in their decision that the latter was indeed a homosexual.

"Anwar told me that he wanted to file an appeal to expunge this part of the court's decision but it has been eight years and he hasn't done so," he said. "Why? Because he knows that truth is not on his side."

"But he's suing me now because he needs to show his supporters that he is doing something to counter these recurring allegations. Yet all he is doing is fighting perception," he added.

Also present at the media conference were Umi Hafilda Ali, former PKR Youth chief Senator Ezam Mat Nor, Anwar's former private secretary Anuar Shaari and Nallakaruppan's lawyer Hasnal Rezua Merican.

Umi: I am waiting for GE

Hasnal said that while a 48-hour time frame indicated the seriousness of the legal notice, he also hoped that Anwar's commitment wouldn't fizzle out there.

"I hope he is serious enough to take this to the next stage which is the court," he stated. "We can secure a trial date within a few months but it's really up to the plantiff whether he wants to take it that far."

Nallakaruppan had previously said that he possessed evidence to support his claims which he would only produce in court and refused to give in to media requests to reveal some of it today.

"What I can say is that Anwar didn't go to Tivolli Villa once a month," he said. "He went there 15 times at least, and not with the same person."

Here Umi interjected alleging that one of Anwar's companions was Shamsidar Taharin, the wife of her brother and PKR deputy president Azmin Ali. She also claimed to have photographic evidence of this.

"I tailed Nallakaruppan's car on June 30, 1997 to Tivolli Villa," she said. "He was driving a green Daimler with the number plate WBV37 and both Anwar and Shamsidar were inside."

"I even went to the Road Transport Department (JPJ) the next day to check the car number and found that it was registered to Nallakaruppan," she added.

When pressed for further details, Umi said that she was waiting for the general election to be called before exposing everything she had on Anwar.

"The nuclear war has begun," she stated. "And when the elections come I will say so much that Anwar and Azmin will have nowhere to run."

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Malaysia after regime change — Tricia Yeoh

MARCH 24 — The intricate nexus between the worlds of business and politics has been an age-old tradition in Malaysia. Crony capitalism, a term to describe the intertwined relationship between business, politicians and the state, where individuals in the private sector benefits by obtaining licenses, concessions, government subsidies, other forms of protection from governments and appointments to key state owned enterprises through their close relationship with politicians and bureaucrats.

The main questions to ask in the event of a regime change are: Will it really ever be possible to extricate one from the other, given the context where this is an assumed norm? Second, how would a new government go about making these drastic changes?

There has been recognition of this problem by political players from both sides of the divide.

The Pakatan Rakyat (Pakatan) Shadow Budget admits, for example, that "Pakatan will face resistance from cronies that desire to perpetuate patronage and rent-seeking" when it begins to attempt open tenders and a more transparent procurement policy.

Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak also announced that a new initiative under the Government Transformation Programme (GTP) would regulate financing for all political parties, where all funding must be channelled to an official party account. He said that "a proper receipt record" would "prevent corruption and misappropriation on a grass-roots' level…"

The CEO of Pemandu (the Performance and Measurement Unit under the Prime Minister's Department), Idris Jala, stated that a first tier of internal control would be developed, of a checklist of recommended actions for political parties to undertake to avoid the abuse of funding. A second tier of external control would require that "all federal and state government entities and statutory authorities cannot include any party member who is an office bearer on their tender board", amongst others.

The academic literature on the business-politics nexus (known as rent-seeking) has been examined closely from various angles by numerous academicians such as Peter Searle, James Jesudason, Dan Slater, Alasdair Bowei, Greg Felker, Nicholas White, Terence Gomez and Jomo KS among others. These researches suggest mixed outcomes.

Nevertheless, the research recognises that the business circle exerts strong influence over the political players as do the political players over business, often times resulting in sub-optimal use of national resource such as diverting scarce resources away from productive use (to the awarding of white elephant projects, poor quality works, constant costs over-run and when the corporation selected fails to deliver, the government is expected to bail out these companies using public funds).

Ex-post, the lack of stringent laws and regulations – and the enforcement thereof – has led to the present predicament in which political parties are ultimately subjected to the demands of powerful corporate interests. But it is, nevertheless a symbiotic relationship. This has become a norm in Malaysian politics.

The solution seems clear: ensure there is only well governed arms length relationship between business and politics. But is this really possible as the historical roots runs deep originating from Malaya's post-colonial transition and the Barisan Nasional's economic nationalism?

Post-colonial politics and business

As Malaya was in its final years of colonial rule under the British, political alliances were taking shape between the Malays and the Chinese. The Chinese towkay (community and business leaders) entered politics through their party MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association)'s alliance with Umno (United Malay National Organisation) in the 1950's.

Both parties co-operated during the Kuala Lumpur elections of February 1952 because the "Selangor branch of Umno lacked sufficient funds to fight the election". Consequently, the MCA bore the bulk of the election expenses for the MCA-Umno coalition up to the federal elections of 1955. MCA funds also helped to secure the Alliance's electoral victory in the first elections for a fully-elected assembly in August 1959.

Chinese tycoons of the day therefore financed Umno in its earliest beginnings, and a reciprocal relationship was hence born. The Chinese community would benefit from such a relationship by being appointed in key positions from where economic policy could be made: H.S. Lee as the first Minister of Finance, and Tan Siew Sin as the Minister of Commerce and Industry, in particular.

Quite apart from these governmental positions, members of the business elite would also receive commercial favours for their loyalty to the Alliance. H.S. Lee received a banking licence to establish the Development & Commercial Bank in 1966 and Tan Siew Sin became the chairman of Sime Darby in 1977. They were adept and capable businessmen, and earned their positions based on their performance – so it is difficult to say this was a direct result of their political relationships.

However, this blurring of boundaries between politics and business would set the stage for political parties to continue to receive funding from not just Chinese tycoons, but all tycoons regardless of race. Hence, even private sector players who were not part of the political infrastructure would require close connections with government figures to develop their businesses. Robert Kuok and Dato' Nik Kamil, the latter of whose success inspired young Malay entrepreneurs to embrace the 'jadi ahli politik untuk buat duit' (become politician to make money) motto are such examples.

The crony capitalism trend persisted also in Sabah and Sarawak, where similarly the Chinese big businesses were more than willing to work with Malay-Muslim political power for economic and social gain. Khoo Siak Chiew, a leading logging baron, who helmed the Sabah Chinese Association (SCA) and eventually became a minister following Sabah's incorporation into Malaysia, is an example.

Things have not quite changed since the 1960's. What has changed is that where in the past, contracts, tenders or appointments were made based on ability and expertise, with political connection being the added advantage, today it is mostly about political connection and ethnicity. Government makes decisions not because they are the most competitive or capable but for other reasons. As such, political acumen has been an essential skill for individuals to possess, without necessarily having equal entrepreneurial or technical expertise.

It is unsurprising that the historical post-colonial Malaya, and the way in which political parties began, formed the very foundation of the current-day Umno's modus operandi, and that of its coalition partners. By being members of political parties in government, one increases the chances of one's networking pool, especially to decision-makers within government.

Economic nationalism: New Economic Policy

The New Economic Policy (NEP) was used by the national government to benefit Bumiputera companies and business people, in the name of assisting the Malay community. Ironically enough, these companies would not be restricted to Bumiputera ones alone; even non – Malay entrepreneurs who were successfully able to "buy-in" to the system would also be rewarded.

Simultaneously, former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamed was on a roll to internationalise the Malaysian economy. This he carried out by embarking on mega-projects. Large government-linked companies (GLCs) would then engage in joint-ventures with the government and international firms in these mega projects (e.g. North-South Highway, HICOM, Perwaja Steel, Malaysian Shipping Corporation, Putrajaya, the Kuala Lumpur International Airport, Kuala Lumpur City Centre, Cyberjaya, etc). In order for these large projects to be funded, the government relied on a significant amount of contributions from the national oil company, Petronas, as well as funding from corporate entities.

Political party financing

Given this backdrop of the post-colonial political formation and economic nationalism, the persistence of government to recognise wealth expansion of the Malay community, and desire to place Malaysia on a global growth map, it was only natural that the government and the private sector enjoyed a close relationship.

Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed said that "the presence of (influential) Malays on various boards' means… they are able to impart … know-how to new ventures launched by Malays". However, the dominance of Umno within the Barisan Nasional (BN) federal government, combined with the nexus of business and politics, has been corrosive.

Umno traditionally relied on membership fees and donations from private individuals, as documented in Transparency International Malaysia's (TI-M) new book "Reforming political financing in Malaysia", launched in May 2010. UMNO grew to rely more upon its investments and business interests through ownership of corporations and shares. As mentioned earlier, early Umno members consisted of teachers and the civil service, but the majority is now made up of entrepreneurs and corporate figures.

Former Umno treasurer Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah recounted how he was tasked with finding investments for Umno and acknowledged a covert political fund existed.

Barry Wain in his book claimed this fund was worth RM88.6 million in 1984. Former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir told TI that he handed his successor RM1.4 billion worth of property, shares and cash. The Star newspaper contributes RM50 to RM60 million to MCA annually, and TI estimated MCA's current assets to be RM2 billion.

TI's research concluded that Pakatan's coalition parties still depend on grass-roots support, raising funds through a combination of membership fees, fundraising dinners, donations, publications and forums. The Democratic Action Party's elected representatives contribute a portion of their salaries and allowance to the party fund.

TI's report stated clearly that businesspeople or wealthy individuals with vested interests are eager to give money to politicians in return for securing business favours, strengthening the argument that there exists a powerful nexus between politics and corrupt money.

Clearly, there is a need to break from this culture and norm of relying upon large business conglomerates to support political parties. It is well known that companies are obliged to sponsor events such as party elections, and state and national election campaigns. The danger of not addressing this very real problem is that no matter which political coalition comes into power, it is inevitable that the political leaders have to succumb to the demands of corporate interests.

Unless a better system exists in which political financing takes place through a more transparent and well-regulated process, this culture is bound to continue.

Can a new government change this?

The existing system (or lack thereof) of political financing has brought to fruition a culture of dependency upon the large business players. If there were to be a possible regime change, would the new government be able to circumvent such a system?

Political financing reform is key to ensuring that any government in place is not held ransom by private sector interests. The Pakatan Shadow Budget has outlined its clear position that it would break up monopolies and oligopolies in Malaysia should it come into power. Its goal is also to "free all government-linked companies (GLCs) from political interference" and that they would operate based on commercial priorities.

Pakatan's list of monopolies to be either restructured or completely dismantled includes the business of Malaysia's most powerful tycoons. Would the move to dismantle them succeed, first on the count of the resistance from the tycoons, and second on the count of their very convenient use as financial sponsors?

In the case of regime change, Malaysians must be cognisant that this deeply-embedded web between business and politics will not be easy to disentangle.

Even within the first 100 days, should the Pakatan government make initial efforts at change, it may not result in immediate improved outcomes.

For instance, a task-force would have to spend copious amounts of time examining the hundreds of lucrative contracts between government and private companies, separating the legitimate from the dubious ones.

Next, by virtue of the fact they have a contractual agreement; it will be extremely difficult to break these contracts immediately. Doing so would either mean penalties have to be paid, or multiple court cases would ensue between the corporations and government. This is the experience that the Pakatan state governments of Penang and Selangor faced when they came into power.

Second, selected existing civil servants who have already built their careers on these relationships would very much operate according to the existing mindset. Whether or not the same cronies are involved, the method of dealing with contracts and public procurement will be dealt with in much the same manner by them.

For there to be a distinctive change in the way politics is run, and to push for a more transparent and corrupt-free democracy, steps must be taken to deal with the current political-government-business nexus.

For the business world to be kept at arms length and independent from the political players, new laws and regulations that emphasise transparency and good governance must be considered. Although close relationships between the two will always exist, these regulations will help mitigate the negative effects resulting from this. The inclusion of the public's intense scrutiny through transparency measures will allow the public to participate in the process of examining the political parties that claim to represent them.

Malaysians must be aware of the current systemic flaws. In doing so, they would recognise that change takes time to set in. It is absolutely crucial that a new government must seek to strictly regulate and enforce political financing, even if it is to its own political detriment. This would be necessary for the long-term strengthening of democratic institutions. The voting public must push for these changes to take place.

In the final analysis, dependency of politics on the private sector must be removed if we are to encourage a new way of being and doing government. — http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala

* Tricia Yeoh works in market research and is former research officer to the Selangor Chief Minister. She continues to write and comment on Malaysian policy matters. Her book, "States of Reform: Governing Selangor and Penang", will be published later this year.  

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

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Be financially prepared for milestones — Ho Lee Yen

MARCH 24 — In his Budget speech this year, Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam emphasised that Singaporeans must "retain a deep sense of responsibility for their families and seek every opportunity to improve themselves and do better".

This year is an auspicious year and said to be a good time to plan for life's biggest moments.

Before making that commitment, take a step back and review your current financial health to see if you are in good stead to proceed. Adjust your plans according to your priorities and needs as you journey through the various life stages and seek professional financial advice to review and map out a plan to achieve your financial goals.

I'm starting work!

Sally is 22 years and will be graduating soon. Her parents will stop giving her monthly allowances and will expect her to help pay the household expenses.

While she has some savings, it is not enough to last her for long. She is currently job-hunting so that she can start work immediately upon graduation.

Firstly, Sally should calculate the estimated amount she would need on a monthly basis to ascertain how long her savings can last before she finds a job.

Upon commencing work, she should consider insurance for herself so that she need not rely on her parents for financial assistance should something unexpected happen. It is important that Sally works out an affordable amount for her insurance premium and not over-commit.

To ensure basic coverage, Sally should consider a Medisave-approved Integrated Shield plan and a Term insurance.

She can also add an optional rider to pay for the co-insurance and deductible portions of the medical expenses. This is payable by cash on a yearly basis.

Sally may also consider enhancing her health coverage with a critical illness plan.

This should be bought as early as possible when she is still young and healthy as premiums tend to be cheaper compared to when she is older or is already suffering from an ailment (which may be excluded from the insurance coverage).

I'm considering a career change.

Michael, 32, is single and has been working for five years. He is an only child and both his parents are employed. Michael is considering changing careers to earn more to meet his demand for higher spending power and support his parents when they retire.

Michael should ensure that he has sufficient savings to tide him over the initial period of settling into a new job, including daily expenses, bills and other miscellaneous spending. It is recommended that his savings comfortably last him for at least six months to ensure that in the unexpected event that Michael is not satisfied with his new job and resigns soon after, he will have sufficient funds to tide him over.

With a higher salary, Michael needs to consider: (a) putting aside money for his daily expenses and other needs, (b) planning for his future family, (c) supporting his parents when they retire, and (d) saving for rainy days.

As Michael is the only child, he will be responsible for the care of his parents if they have not adequately prepared for retirement. Michael needs to first ensure that he is adequately protected before he can support his parents and future family.

Health insurance, such as a medical reimbursement and a critical illness plan, are also important for Michael to be financially prepared.

He should have key policies such as income protection plans, whole life plans and/or term insurance plans to ensure that, should the unexpected occur, his families will be able to maintain their current lifestyle without facing financial difficulties.

We're getting married!

Bernard and Linda, both in their early 30s, are planning to get married. They have purchased a five-room flat which will be ready in three years and will stay with their parents in the meantime.

They will consider having children once they've settled into their own home. Meanwhile, they will focus on their careers before the little ones come along.

Bernard and Linda are no longer alone, but have the obligation and responsibility to provide for each other.

They should review their protection needs together by having honest, open conversations about their existing insurance coverage and where there are gaps.

This provides a basis for them to jointly draw up and purchase insurance plans to complement their existing policies and bridge their protection gaps.

The 2011 AIA Singapore Nationwide Protection Survey revealed that although nearly six in 10 Singaporeans professed they have discussed with their spouse the family's living standards should something unexpected happen to them, only 17 per cent believe they are well-prepared and have the necessary financial planning in place to ensure that their dependents will be able to maintain their living standards.

While Bernard and Linda do not have the worry about mortgage and expenses for their children immediately after marriage, it is best to start planning now.

This includes working out the amount required for their new house and setting aside a fund for that. They should also start saving up for their future children.

The key is to start as early as possible so that you have a longer period to accumulate the desired pool of funds and not put unnecessary strain on the finances.

We're having a Dragon baby!

Peter and Sharon are expecting their first born this year! As first-time parents, they are making all the necessary preparations to ensure a smooth pregnancy and delivery. This includes selecting a single-bedded delivery ward at a private hospital and engaging a confinement nanny.

Sharon is also considering stopping work for two years to care for their newborn, resuming work when the child is old enough to be sent to a childcare centre.

Peter or Sharon can use their CPF Medisave to finance the delivery and pre-delivery medical expenses and claim under the Medisave Maternity Package.

They can also claim for expenses incurred during delivery and pre-delivery medical expenses such as consultations, ultrasounds, tests and medications, noting that the withdrawal limit is up to S$ 4,400 depending on the type of delivery procedure.

As they have opted for a private hospital, charges will be significantly higher and their CPF Medisave accounts may not cover the full charges. They need to be able to pay the balance out-of-pocket expenses.

After the child is born, the parents need to consider many other expenses including the child's education needs. This is financial commitment for about 20 years and requires careful planning.

Ideally, parents should start building the funds even before the child is born.

However, if Peter and Sharon are only starting to plan now, they may consider:

- Endowment plan - a savings plan with protection coverage for a period of time, eg 18-25 years. This will give parents a ready pool of funds by the time the child is ready for tertiary education. Parents can also choose to add on riders that will allow the plan to continue to be in force in the event that they are not able to continue paying the premiums, for example, due to the death of the parent paying for the plan.

- Investment-linked plan (ILP) -provides a combination of investment and protection. The plan invests in ILP sub-funds to earn a potentially higher return depending on factors such as the investment climate. There are ILPs, such as AIA Family First Protect, which allow policyholders to vary the level of protection and investment within the plan, depending on the needs as they progress in life.

They should also consider coverage for their child's health insurance needs, such as protection against common child critical illness, dengue fever and Hand, Foot & Mouth Disease.

As Peter will be the sole breadwinner in the first two years, it is also important that he is adequately insured so that the family's finances will not be affected should anything unexpected happen to him. — Today

* Ho Lee Yen is the chief marketing officer of AIA Singapore.

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

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Orwellian

It was a good friend from Australia who pointed out this article in the Malaysian Insider: Facebook, Twitter foster national security threats, say police

You really should read the whole article, but I shall reproduce an excerpt here to give you a flavour of what is being preached to the masses:

Internal security and public order director Datuk Salleh Mat Rasid said the Internet posed a challenge to the police as it allowed people "to know what was going on in and outside the country".

This would encourage those who have been "influenced by liberal thinking" to replicate locally what was happening in other countries, Utusan Malaysia quoted him as saying today.

This is positively Orwellian. You would think it is something new and original but George Orwell described it in his book 1984 very succinctly.

To summarise, it is the policy of control by propaganda, surveillance, misinformation, denial of truth, and manipulation of the past.

The question is, why do people not grow alarmed at how blatantly those in power are trying to control us?

Here's why. Read this bit from the UK's Daily Mail about the Malaysian student in the Tottenham Riots.

And he was also critical of the police. 'The poli! ce in Ma laysia would have taken action sooner,' he said.

'Your police let it grow and grow until it was out of control. I don't understand why people were allowed to run riot and rob in that way.

'Here in Malaysia the police can catch you and grab you if you do something wrong. But in Britain it seems that you cannot.'

Malaysia's government is known for being authoritarian, but Mr Rossli said: 'After this happened, people asked Ashraf why he went outside when there were riots and he replied, "Because in Malaysia we are always free to walk outside".

'We have a tough government in Malaysia, but when something like this happens, they take action. They don't let it get out of control. The streets are safe.'

You and I know that this is a load of hogwash. Pure rubbish. Unadulterated garbage. Utter crap. Pristine bullsh!t.

In Malaysia, we aren't always free to walk outside. We can get beaten quite severely by the police.

Ask peaceful candlelight vigil participants that have been rushed by the police and arrested.

Evidently, the police CAN catch and grab you even if you DON'T do anything wrong. The streets are NOT safe, thanks to the police.

And when an event like ABU (Anything But UMNO) takes place and gangsters try to wreak havoc and intimidate innocent civillians, the police are nowhere to be found. Ask anyone who has been for the ABU event in Klang.

But not everyone knows, because not everyone WANTS to know the sordid truth about the Malaysian government.

Ignorance isn't always bliss.

Certainly not when it becomes so easy to spot the government as a fascist regime.

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Jamaluddin Jarjis demands apology from The Malaysian Insider

To: The Editor, The Malaysian Insider

I refer to the article titled Five issues holding up likely June polls, say sources, written by your good self and published on The Malaysian Insider portal on 23 March, 2012.

In that article, you reported that, "Barisan Nasional (BN) strategists have listed five issues that need to be solved to garner greater support for the ruling coalition in a general election that several government officials say could be held as early as June."

You further wrote:

"It is learnt that Datuk Seri Jamaluddin Jarjis, who is the BN manifesto committee chairman, briefed editors and correspondents in the New Straits Times Press group of papers on Tuesday over the issues."

You then proceeded to quote an unnamed source as saying, "JJ gave a briefing and listed the issues but he was coy about the date".

This "briefing" was then confirmed by yet another unnamed source who also "said Jamaluddin had also mentioned June as the earliest date for a general election."

I wish to state categorically here that I had never conducted such a briefing for NST editors. As a matter of fact, I was never present at any such briefing.

I wish to also state categorically that I was never "coy" about a possible election date and that I have also never stated that June would be the earliest date for a general election. This is absolute fabrication on your part.

A further fabrication was your addressing me as Chairman of the BN Manifesto Committee – a position that I do not hold and have never been appointed to.

Based on the absolute absence of any truth in your report as far as my so-called briefing to NST editors is concerned, I can only conclude that your unnamed sources have lied to you or are absolutely unreliable or simply do not exist or have simply attempted to deflect from their identity.

In either case, it is also obvi! ous that you have failed in your journalistic duty of trying to verify the truth of your information, choosing instead to run your story despite the absence of any sort of concrete evidence to prove your allegations.

In the process, you have dragged my name into your web of lies and have caused me undue inconvenience in having to defend the truth.

I am therefore demanding that you remove the posting with immediate effect and also run an apology for your article of untruths. I also reserve the right to institute further action against you and your newspaper.

Lastly, I find it most unfortunate that a newspaper which claims to offer "an unvarnished take on events and personalities in Malaysia" and one that claims to have among their readers "Malaysians who crave for balanced and serious reporting on issues", can take such a lax attitude towards the authenticity of its information and the credibility of its sources.

Jamaluddin Jarjis

 

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Discussion on Indian economic woes

KUALA LUMPUR: The Malaysian Indian Business Association (MIBA) will organise a roundtable discussion with regard to the economic situation of the Indian community.

MIBA president P Sivakumar said despite efforts by the government through Tekun and Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia, there has not been any major efforts taken to address this issue.

According to him, since the last general election, the government has taken several measures in order to placate the Indian community, which turned its back on Barisan Nasional in 2008.

Sivakumar said while some segments are contented with receiving the small hand-outs, the majority however preferred to see a more long-term plan put in place.

"The setting up of various bumiputera agencies to assist the bumiputeras in retail, construction and the service sector has proven to be successful.

"Why cannot similar agencies be set up to initiate and promote Indian businesses in infrastructure projects, vendor business with government linked companies, issue permits for construction, commercial vehicles and others?" he asked.

Sivakumar explained that the half day discussion organised by MIBA aims to:

*Articulate the current status of the economic development of the Malaysian Indian community noting what has been undertaken since 12^thgeneral election

* Identify the root causes, are these attitudinal or structural

* Chart out recommendations and concrete programmes in capacity building

"MIBA's objective is to give the Indian community a special opportunity to articulate the current situation and seek in a practical way to resolve the concerns. The half day forum will be held in Petaling Jaya on April 1st," he added.

He also said that the findings of the forum would be submitted to Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak and MIC president G Palanivel.

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Najib: Anwar not qualified for PM post

PORT DICKSON: Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim is not qualified to helm the nation because he has lost his credibility even among his supporters, said Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak.

Commenting on Anwar's aspirations to become prime minister, he said a founder of PKR, Dr Chandra Muzaffar, who had left Anwar, had even said that it would be disastrous for the country if the latter was to be the prime minister.

"If we put up a billboard and paste the pictures of those who have left him, I think we are going to need a huge billboard because there are so many of them who have left him, from Chandra Muzaffar to his former private secretary Ezam Mohd Nor, to his press secretary Anuar Shaari and lawyer Zulkifli Nordin," Najib was quoted as saying by Bernama.

The prime minister also said that with the general election looming, the opposition would resort to all kinds of tricks in trying to win the people's support.

He said they would hurl all kinds of allegations against the government, twist facts and would even resort to fabricating issues in trying to draw support.

"I see a lot of the issues raised by the opposition are not based on fact but are 'auta' (hot air). Unlike the Barisan Nasional government which is not in a popularity contest," he added.

Najib said the opposition hurled accusations like the 1Malaysia People's Aid (BR1M) given to the people was "haram", that the government was borrowing money to make the BR1M payments and that it was politcal corruption but when the register of BR1M recipients was opened, it was opposition members who turned up in droves to claim the money, sometimes numbering more than BN supporters.

"But if you want to accuse the money is haram, don't accept it…no shame! This why I say they are 'auta'…'auta' BRIM. The government is giving back money to the people because we have administered the country well.

"As a caring government, we must do the best for the people. And in the parliamentary democracy system we are practising, it is incumbent of the government to gain the confidence of the people," he said.

Najib said in the last three years, the people got to see changes after changes brought by the government, such as key policies like the GTP (Government Transformation Programme, ETP (Economic Transformation Programme), PTP (Political Transformation Programme), RTP (Rural Transformation Programme) and others.

"Of the aid we have given directly to the people, the BR1M has been the most popular. It is my belief that by what the government has done through these major policy changes, projects to change the economic landscape locally and nationally and provision of direct aid to the people, the people's confidence in the BN government has increased manifold," he said.

Opposition makes unrealistic promises

Meanwhile, the prime minister also said that the BN government would not make any promise which cannot be delivered.

He said that even without making any promises, however, the government had always strived for the betterment of the people.

"To the opposition, selling promises are their weapons; but when we look at these promises carefully, we know that they cannot be delivered," he said.

Najib said that if the opposition's promises were to be implemented, the country would end up bankrupt.

"Imagine if the opposition forms the government and it wants to abolish tolls. Here we have the works minister and when I asked him to lower the toll charges, he said he needed to make an accurate calculation, and that if we can afford it, the charges can be lowered.

"But the opposition said that if they win Putrajaya, they are going to abolish tolls. Can this be done? No, it can't be done; it's absurd," he said.

"Then they said that the National Higher Education Fund Corporation (PTPTN) loan would be abolished immediately. When I asked the higher education minister about this, he said that if the PTPTN was to be abolished, we would lose RM40 billion. And after that we could no longer give out loans in the future," he added.

The prime minister said that the opposition parties were only good at making promises in terms of expenditure, like abolishing tolls and PTPTN loans, but made no consideration whatsoever about the source of income.

"We don't need to have all the degrees to know this; if we work at a sundry shop, we should know about money coming in and going out. If there is no money coming in, soon the shop will have to be closed. They (opposition) are selling promises, things which cannot be fulfilled," he said.

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Orang Asli fail semakan pengusiran mereka

PETALING JAYA: Seramai 99 orang Asli Peta, Ulu Endau Johor memfailkan permohonan semakan kehakiman di Mahkamah Tinggi Johor Bahru terhadap keputusan Pentadbir Tanah Daerah Mersing yang memerintahkan mereka keluar dari penempatan mereka.

Pentadbir Tanah Daerah Mersing menggunakan Seksyen 425 Kanun Tanah Negara bagi mengusir  orang Ali Peta kerana mendakwa tanah mereka bertindih dengan Taman Negara Endau Rompin.

Satu notis perintah bertarikh 17 Januari dikeluarkan  untuk mengarahkan orang Aski berkenaan keluar dari tanah mereka.

Menurut peguam, Yogeswaran Subramaniam, orang Asli mahu keputusan tersebut dikaji semuala dan dibatalkan.

"Mereka juga mahu tanah seluas 10, 000 ekar yang diduduki orang Asli itu diisytiharkan sebagai milik mereka," katanya.

Permohonan semakan kehakiman itu dibuat oleh Sangka bin Chuka, seorang batin Kampung Peta dan Nasir bin Kantan.

Perjalanan 5 jam

Selain Yogeswaran, mereka  juga diwakili oleh peguam M. Rajkumar dan K Mohan dari Tetuan Law, Raj and Teh.

Dalam satu kenyataan, Sangka dan Nasir berkata, semua penduduk Orang Asli Kampung Peta memandang berat tentang perkara ini.

"Seramai 51 orang Asli Kampung Peta dan juga perkampungan yang berhampiran mengharungi perjalanan selama lima jam dari pedalaman hulu Sungai Endau ke Johor Bahru semata-mata untuk memperjuangkan hak undang-undang kami.

"Walaupun terpaksa bertolak pada 3 pagi, kami semua bersemangat apabila tiba di kompleks Mahkamah di Johor Bahru," kata mereka.
Permohonan untuk mendapatkan kebenaran untuk semakan kehakiman ditetapkan pada 5 April 2 untuk perbicaraan di hadapan Pesuruhjaya Kehakiman, Gunalan Muniandy.

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MIC berjumpa pengundi bulan depan

KUALA LUMPUR: MIC akan mengadakan sesi perjumpaan dengan pemilih di seluruh negara mulai bulan depan, kata presidennya Datuk Seri G. Palanivel hari ini.

"Jentera kami sudah bersiap sedia untuk tujuan ini. Langkah pertamanya ialah mengadakan perjumpaan dengan pemilih daripada parti sendiri. Kami akan memulakan langkah ini di Selangor, Perak dan Kedah. Tiga negeri ini amat penting bagi kami," katanya.

Beliau berkata jawatankuasa perhubungan MIC tiga negeri itu juga akan menemui pemilih.

"Ia akan menjadi suatu cara perhubungan, di samping untuk mendapatkan maklum balas tentang isu penting. Tiga negeri ini merupakan medan pertarungan penting bagi kami kerana kami mahu menarik balik undi kaum India.

"Ini soal menawan kembali hati dan minda pemilih. Setiap pekerja parti perlu menjadi soldadu parti dan masyarakat. Kami perlu bersedia untuk bertempur. Parti pula perlu berusaha sepenuhnya. Kami sedang menguji jentera kami," katanya.

Pada pilihan raya umum 2008, MIC bertanding bagi sembilan kerusi parlimen dan 19 kerusi negeri, tetapi hanya memenangi tiga kerusi parlimen – Tapah, Cameron Highlands dan Segamat dan tujuh kerusi negeri.

-Bernama

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Four from Nurul’s campaign team held

Kuala Lumpur: Four more members of Lembah Pantai MP Nurul Izzah Anwar's campaign team were arrested, this time for allegedly masquerading as civil servants while conducting a door-to-door voter survey in the constituency.

According to Nurul's political secretary Fahmi Fadzil, six volunteers were making their rounds at the Sri Pahang flats in Bangsar Utama this morning when four of them were allegedly confronted by members from the Umno Lembah Pantai division.

Exact details of what transpired after that are still unknown but police arrived at the scene and hauled the four to the Travers police station.

"The police are refusing to reveal the reason for their arrest but from what we understand the four are being accused of masquerading as civil servants," Fahmi said.

"We are still trying to get more information because we have been denied access to them. There are lawyers present at the police station but are also not allowed to speak to them," he added.

The four have been identified as Nanthakumar Panisalbon, Gopal Dass Manoharan, Shamsudin Yusof and Gurmit Singh Ranjit Singh.

Fahmi also said that the police are demanding that the remaining two volunteers also be present at the station for questioning.

Today's arrest is a repeat of a similar one just three days ago when two men working for Nurul were arrested over allegations that they were impersonating Election Commission (EC) officers.

A police source told FMT that police action was taken following reports by a number of residents in the area that the six were impersonating EC officials.

"We have not arrested them, only brought them in for questioning," he said.

However, he admitted that the four were wearing tags identifying them as members of Nurul's team and not that as EC officials.

"But if they were not doing anything wrong then why did two of them flee the scene?" he asked.

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Malaysia after regime change

— Tricia Yeoh
The Malaysian Insider
Mar 24, 2012

MARCH 24 — The intricate nexus between the worlds of business and politics has been an age-old tradition in Malaysia. Crony capitalism, a term to describe the intertwined relationship between business, politicians and the state, where individuals in the private sector benefits by obtaining licenses, concessions, government subsidies, other forms of protection from governments and appointments to key state owned enterprises through their close relationship with politicians and bureaucrats.

The main questions to ask in the event of a regime change are: Will it really ever be possible to extricate one from the other, given the context where this is an assumed norm? Second, how would a new government go about making these drastic changes?

There has been recognition of this problem by political players from both sides of the divide.

The Pakatan Rakyat (Pakatan) Shadow Budget admits, for example, that "Pakatan will face resistance from cronies that desire to perpetuate patronage and rent-seeking" when it begins to attempt open tenders and a more transparent procurement policy.

Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak also announced that a new initiative under the Government Transformation Programme (GTP) would regulate financing for all political parties, where all funding must be channelled to an official party account. He said that "a proper receipt record" would "prevent corruption and misappropriation on a grass-roots' level…"

The CEO of Pemandu (the Performance and Measurement Unit under the Prime Minister's Department), Idris Jala, stated that a first tier of internal control would be developed, of a checklist of recommended actions for political parties to undertake to avoid the abuse of funding. A second tier of external control would require that "all federal and state government entities and statutory authorities cannot include any party member who is an office bearer on their tender board", amongst others.

The academic literature on the business-politics nexus (known as rent-seeking) has been examined closely from various angles by numerous academicians such as Peter Searle, James Jesudason, Dan Slater, Alasdair Bowei, Greg Felker, Nicholas White, Terence Gomez and Jomo KS among others. These researches suggest mixed outcomes.

Nevertheless, the research recognises that the business circle exerts strong influence over the political players as do the political players over business, often times resulting in sub-optimal use of national resource such as diverting scarce resources away from productive use (to the awarding of white elephant projects, poor quality works, constant costs over-run and when the corporation selected fails to deliver, the government is expected to bail out these companies using public funds).

Ex-post, the lack of stringent laws and regulations – and the enforcement thereof – has led to the present predicament in which political parties are ultimately subjected to the demands of powerful corporate interests. But it is, nevertheless a symbiotic relationship. This has become a norm in Malaysian politics.

The solution seems clear: ensure there is only well governed arms length relationship between business and politics. But is this really possible as the historical roots runs deep originating from Malaya's post-colonial transition and the Barisan Nasional's economic nationalism?

Post-colonial politics and business

As Malaya was in its final years of colonial rule under the British, political alliances were taking shape between the Malays and the Chinese. The Chinese towkay (community and business leaders) entered politics through their party MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association)'s alliance with Umno (United Malay National Organisation) in the 1950's.

Both parties co-operated during the Kuala Lumpur elections of February 1952 because the "Selangor branch of Umno lacked sufficient funds to fight the election". Consequently, the MCA bore the bulk of the election expenses for the MCA-Umno coalition up to the federal elections of 1955. MCA funds also helped to secure the Alliance's electoral victory in the first elections for a fully-elected assembly in August 1959.

Chinese tycoons of the day therefore financed Umno in its earliest beginnings, and a reciprocal relationship was hence born. The Chinese community would benefit from such a relationship by being appointed in key positions from where economic policy could be made: H.S. Lee as the first Minister of Finance, and Tan Siew Sin as the Minister of Commerce and Industry, in particular.

Quite apart from these governmental positions, members of the business elite would also receive commercial favours for their loyalty to the Alliance. H.S. Lee received a banking licence to establish the Development & Commercial Bank in 1966 and Tan Siew Sin became the chairman of Sime Darby in 1977. They were adept and capable businessmen, and earned their positions based on their performance – so it is difficult to say this was a direct result of their political relationships.

However, this blurring of boundaries between politics and business would set the stage for political parties to continue to receive funding from not just Chinese tycoons, but all tycoons regardless of race. Hence, even private sector players who were not part of the political infrastructure would require close connections with government figures to develop their businesses. Robert Kuok and Dato' Nik Kamil, the latter of whose success inspired young Malay entrepreneurs to embrace the 'jadi ahli politik untuk buat duit' (become politician to make money) motto are such examples.

The crony capitalism trend persisted also in Sabah and Sarawak, where similarly the Chinese big businesses were more than willing to work with Malay-Muslim political power for economic and social gain. Khoo Siak Chiew, a leading logging baron, who helmed the Sabah Chinese Association (SCA) and eventually became a minister following Sabah's incorporation into Malaysia, is an example.

Things have not quite changed since the 1960's. What has changed is that where in the past, contracts, tenders or appointments were made based on ability and expertise, with political connection being the added advantage, today it is mostly about political connection and ethnicity. Government makes decisions not because they are the most competitive or capable but for other reasons. As such, political acumen has been an essential skill for individuals to possess, without necessarily having equal entrepreneurial or technical expertise.

It is unsurprising that the historical post-colonial Malaya, and the way in which political parties began, formed the very foundation of the current-day Umno's modus operandi, and that of its coalition partners. By being members of political parties in government, one increases the chances of one's networking pool, especially to decision-makers within government.

Economic nationalism: New Economic Policy

The New Economic Policy (NEP) was used by the national government to benefit Bumiputera companies and business people, in the name of assisting the Malay community. Ironically enough, these companies would not be restricted to Bumiputera ones alone; even non – Malay entrepreneurs who were successfully able to "buy-in" to the system would also be rewarded.

Simultaneously, former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamed was on a roll to internationalise the Malaysian economy. This he carried out by embarking on mega-projects. Large government-linked companies (GLCs) would then engage in joint-ventures with the government and international firms in these mega projects (e.g. North-South Highway, HICOM, Perwaja Steel, Malaysian Shipping Corporation, Putrajaya, the Kuala Lumpur International Airport, Kuala Lumpur City Centre, Cyberjaya, etc). In order for these large projects to be funded, the government relied on a significant amount of contributions from the national oil company, Petronas, as well as funding from corporate entities.

Political party financing

Given this backdrop of the post-colonial political formation and economic nationalism, the persistence of government to recognise wealth expansion of the Malay community, and desire to place Malaysia on a global growth map, it was only natural that the government and the private sector enjoyed a close relationship.

Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed said that "the presence of (influential) Malays on various boards' means… they are able to impart … know-how to new ventures launched by Malays". However, the dominance of Umno within the Barisan Nasional (BN) federal government, combined with the nexus of business and politics, has been corrosive.

Umno traditionally relied on membership fees and donations from private individuals, as documented in Transparency International Malaysia's (TI-M) new book "Reforming political financing in Malaysia", launched in May 2010. UMNO grew to rely more upon its investments and business interests through ownership of corporations and shares. As mentioned earlier, early Umno members consisted of teachers and the civil service, but the majority is now made up of entrepreneurs and corporate figures.

Former Umno treasurer Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah recounted how he was tasked with finding investments for Umno and acknowledged a covert political fund existed.

Barry Wain in his book claimed this fund was worth RM88.6 million in 1984. Former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir told TI that he handed his successor RM1.4 billion worth of property, shares and cash. The Star newspaper contributes RM50 to RM60 million to MCA annually, and TI estimated MCA's current assets to be RM2 billion.

TI's research concluded that Pakatan's coalition parties still depend on grass-roots support, raising funds through a combination of membership fees, fundraising dinners, donations, publications and forums. The Democratic Action Party's elected representatives contribute a portion of their salaries and allowance to the party fund.

TI's report stated clearly that businesspeople or wealthy individuals with vested interests are eager to give money to politicians in return for securing business favours, strengthening the argument that there exists a powerful nexus between politics and corrupt money.

Clearly, there is a need to break from this culture and norm of relying upon large business conglomerates to support political parties. It is well known that companies are obliged to sponsor events such as party elections, and state and national election campaigns. The danger of not addressing this very real problem is that no matter which political coalition comes into power, it is inevitable that the political leaders have to succumb to the demands of corporate interests.

Unless a better system exists in which political financing takes place through a more transparent and well-regulated process, this culture is bound to continue.

Can a new government change this?

The existing system (or lack thereof) of political financing has brought to fruition a culture of dependency upon the large business players. If there were to be a possible regime change, would the new government be able to circumvent such a system?

Political financing reform is key to ensuring that any government in place is not held ransom by private sector interests. The Pakatan Shadow Budget has outlined its clear position that it would break up monopolies and oligopolies in Malaysia should it come into power. Its goal is also to "free all government-linked companies (GLCs) from political interference" and that they would operate based on commercial priorities.

Pakatan's list of monopolies to be either restructured or completely dismantled includes the business of Malaysia's most powerful tycoons. Would the move to dismantle them succeed, first on the count of the resistance from the tycoons, and second on the count of their very convenient use as financial sponsors?

In the case of regime change, Malaysians must be cognisant that this deeply-embedded web between business and politics will not be easy to disentangle.

Even within the first 100 days, should the Pakatan government make initial efforts at change, it may not result in immediate improved outcomes.

For instance, a task-force would have to spend copious amounts of time examining the hundreds of lucrative contracts between government and private companies, separating the legitimate from the dubious ones.

Next, by virtue of the fact they have a contractual agreement; it will be extremely difficult to break these contracts immediately. Doing so would either mean penalties have to be paid, or multiple court cases would ensue between the corporations and government. This is the experience that the Pakatan state governments of Penang and Selangor faced when they came into power.

Second, selected existing civil servants who have already built their careers on these relationships would very much operate according to the existing mindset. Whether or not the same cronies are involved, the method of dealing with contracts and public procurement will be dealt with in much the same manner by them.

For there to be a distinctive change in the way politics is run, and to push for a more transparent and corrupt-free democracy, steps must be taken to deal with the current political-government-business nexus.

For the business world to be kept at arms length and independent from the political players, new laws and regulations that emphasise transparency and good governance must be considered. Although close relationships between the two will always exist, these regulations will help mitigate the negative effects resulting from this. The inclusion of the public's intense scrutiny through transparency measures will allow the public to participate in the process of examining the political parties that claim to represent them.

Malaysians must be aware of the current systemic flaws. In doing so, they would recognise that change takes time to set in. It is absolutely crucial that a new government must seek to strictly regulate and enforce political financing, even if it is to its own political detriment. This would be necessary for the long-term strengthening of democratic institutions. The voting public must push for these changes to take place.

In the final analysis, dependency of politics on the private sector must be removed if we are to encourage a new way of being and doing government. — http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala

* Tricia Yeoh works in market research and is former research officer to the Selangor Chief Minister. She continues to write and comment on Malaysian policy matters. Her book, "States of Reform: Governing Selangor and Penang", will be published later this year.

This entry was posted on Saturday, 24 March 2012, 12:10 pm and is filed under Corruption, Elections, Finance, Politics. You can follow any responses to this entry through RSS 2.0.  

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Demontrasi sokong imam Hoslam suram

KUALA LUMPUR: Solidariti bagi menuntut pembebasan Hoslan Hussin, imam yang dijatuhkan hukuman penjara setahun gara-gara melemparkan seliparnya ke arah panel hakim petang tadi suram dan gagal mendapat sambutan.

Satu demonstrasi aman diadakan di hadapan masjid Wilayah Persekutuan, Jalan Duta hanya  menyaksikan sekitar 60 orang hadir dengan simbolik mengangkat selipar dan kasut masing-masing.

Kumpulan  ini bergerak menuju ke Istana Negara jam 3 petang dan tiba setengah jam kemudian, untuk menyerahkan memorandum kepada Yang Dipertuan Agung, Sultan Abdul Halim Mu'adzam Shah.

Penyerahan memorandum itu bagi memohon Tuanku memberi pengampunan seterusnya membebaskan Hoslan yang kini meringkuk di penjara Kajang sejak dua minggu lalu.

Hoslan tentan penyelewengan

Turut hadir dalam demonstrasi ini termasuklah Naib Presiden PKR, N Surendran, Ketua Pemuda PAS Wilayah Persekutuan Kamaruzzaman Mohamad dan  peguam Latheefa Koya.

Penyelaras NGO Jingga 13, Fariz Musa yang mengetuai demonstrasi itu mendakwa tindakan membaling membaling kasut bukan isu utama sebaliknya perjuangan imam Hoslan untuk menentang penyelewengan wang wujud di masjid Kampung Pandan.

Beliau berkata memorandum itu juga bagi memohon Tuanku untuk campurtangan dalam siasatan pendakwaan berhubung isu penyelewengan masjid di Kampung Pandan itu.

"Isu disembunyikan sedangkan ia sudah berlaku sejak 2007. Pada 2008 Hoslan dipecat sebagai imam dan keluarga diusir keluar daripada kuarters kerajaan," dakwa beliau.

Sementara itu menurut Kamaruzzaman, Dewan Pemuda PAS akan menubuhkan tabung untuk membantu keluarga imam Hoslan berkenaan.

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Jamaluddin Jarjis demands apology from The Malaysian Insider

To: The Editor, The Malaysian Insider

I refer to the article titled Five issues holding up likely June polls, say sources, written by your good self and published on The Malaysian Insider portal on 23 March, 2012.

In that article, you reported that, "Barisan Nasional (BN) strategists have listed five issues that need to be solved to garner greater support for the ruling coalition in a general election that several government officials say could be held as early as June."

You further wrote:

"It is learnt that Datuk Seri Jamaluddin Jarjis, who is the BN manifesto committee chairman, briefed editors and correspondents in the New Straits Times Press group of papers on Tuesday over the issues."

You then proceeded to quote an unnamed source as saying, "JJ gave a briefing and listed the issues but he was coy about the date".

This "briefing" was then confirmed by yet another unnamed source who also "said Jamaluddin had also mentioned June as the earliest date for a general election."

I wish to state categorically here that I had never conducted such a briefing for NST editors. As a matter of fact, I was never present at any such briefing.

I wish to also state categorically that I was never "coy" about a possible election date and that I have also never stated that June would be the earliest date for a general election. This is absolute fabrication on your part.

A further fabrication was your addressing me as Chairman of the BN Manifesto Committee – a position that I do not hold and have never been appointed to.

Based on the absolute absence of any truth in your report as far as my so-called briefing to NST editors is concerned, I can only conclude that your unnamed sources have lied to you or are absolutely unreliable or simply do not exist or have simply attempted to deflect from their identity.

In either case, it is also obvi! ous that you have failed in your journalistic duty of trying to verify the truth of your information, choosing instead to run your story despite the absence of any sort of concrete evidence to prove your allegations.

In the process, you have dragged my name into your web of lies and have caused me undue inconvenience in having to defend the truth.

I am therefore demanding that you remove the posting with immediate effect and also run an apology for your article of untruths. I also reserve the right to institute further action against you and your newspaper.

Lastly, I find it most unfortunate that a newspaper which claims to offer "an unvarnished take on events and personalities in Malaysia" and one that claims to have among their readers "Malaysians who crave for balanced and serious reporting on issues", can take such a lax attitude towards the authenticity of its information and the credibility of its sources.

Jamaluddin Jarjis

 

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