Pakatan Rakyat (PR) Social Political Buzz & Bulls

Oh, Sani, shut the @#$% up!


Never thought I'd ever stand up in defence of Jibby, but I just cannot keep silent as this moron Harussani spews utter rubbish in the name of Islam.

According to the Malaysianinsider, this man who has once too often set off false alarms of incidences of apostasy, slams Najib's presence at Batu Caves during the recently concluded Thaipusam festivities as a 'sacrifice of his faith'.

Najib's visit to Batu Caves, he asserts, is an 'idolatrous act'.

I don't know what Najib did at Batu Caves, but if, as I suspect, he did no more than the 'you help me, I help you' routine to fish for Indian votes, he should sue the pants off this slanderous fella.

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Bruce Lipton on The Power of Consciousness



Bruce Lipton is a classic example of a scientist with keen mystical intuition. Takes somebody like Bruce to make genuinely significant breakthroughs that combine genetic research with fresh insights into how consciousness evolves.

I've previously published a Skype interview conducted by Lilou Mace - but what Bruce Lipton has to say is so powerful it can radically shift our paradigms within the 50 minutes it takes to hear him out - so it's certainly worthwhile sharing this one with you too.

Make sure you're completely relaxed and have 50 minutes to spare before viewing!
Some rights reserved © Antares/Magick River You may borrow and/or modify content for your own blog but please credit and backlink, thanks.
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Even after Anwar’s acquittal, politics will likely stay dirty — Bridget Welsh

Even after Anwar's acquittal, politics will likely stay dirty — Bridget Welsh

FEB 10 — Malaysia recently hit the headlines after opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was acquitted of sodomy charges, although the prosecution has already filed an appeal.

The case is entirely political and reflects the government's willingness to use the judiciary for political ends. Malaysia is set for the most competitive elections it has ever had, likely before June or else pushed off until 2013, and each side has a fighting chance to win.

Malaysian politics is dirty. Murder, sodomy, secret trysts, sex videos and conspiracy are all commonplace, and corruption scandals occur regularly. Both sides wallow in this political gutter, each trying to darken the reputation of the other and not fully appreciating how much the system as a whole has been damaged. Anwar's acquittal gave the government an opportunity to take the high road and move away from this negative approach. Instead, it opted to appeal, despite the shabby evidence.

Concerns are now focused on the integrity of the electoral process. The government is mooting reforms but the problems are vast, from administrative neutrality to vote buying. As the system becomes more competitive, political institutions involved in anticorruption and law have been compromised, with the government pressuring institutions such as the civil service to toe the line.

The upcoming election will revolve around Anwar and Prime Minister Najib Razak tapping into their own popularity bases, as politics in Malaysia is highly personalised. Both men have been damaged by character assassinations and will need to work hard to win support. The test now is whether either candidate will move beyond a largely self-centred campaign and articulate the solutions that his leadership can offer.

The country's problems are well known — including the need for economic reform and improved race relations, coupled with growing inequality — but sadly, the policy options each side promises to pursue are unclear.

Anwar's strength has been his charisma, and he has succeeded in consolidating his support base through martyr politics. Nevertheless, his reputation suffered during the trial and he has a long road ahead to win new supporters, especially in rural areas, where the government media dominates.

On the other hand, Najib faces a trust deficit, which seems to be growing at the same rate as inconsistencies in his reform policies. It is still unclear what he stands for, and his reliance on handouts to woo voters reflects weakness, not strength.

Malaysian politics is also highly polarised. Both sides can expect support from about 35 per cent of the electorate, with the remaining third in the middle. But in satisfying their primary support bases, Malaysia's leaders have alienated the centre. To win the upcoming election, both leaders will need to meet the expectations of their support bases while reaching out to those who are ambivalent, tired of over-politicking, and eager for more than negativity.

Najib in particular faces the challenge of preserving the loyalty of his base, many of whom have resisted change and adopted reactionary racial positions. They expect him to protect their interests and have shown that they will remove any leader who fails their expectations.

His attempts to reach the middle ground, both in areas of political reform and ethnic relations, compromise his base's support. He now has limited political space, and the result has been inconsistency. In contrast, Anwar can more easily reach out to the middle because his support base wants change, although even he must manage the growing anger of his supporters.

In this complicated terrain, ethnic politics is alive and well. Malaysia has three linked interethnic dynamics. The first involves race relations between Malays and non-Malay minorities. Then there is the issue of religious relations, especially between Muslims and other religious groups. Finally, there is the issue of moderate views and more extreme views of race and religion in the Malay community.

These dynamics have become more difficult to manage since the 2008 elections when Najib's National Front lost its two-thirds hold on seats; in some instances, they have even led to violence, such as the church bombings in 2010.

Navigating these divisions is not easy, and the contenders for power ultimately need to include all Malaysians. For Najib, the challenge is to reach out to non-Malays. For Anwar, the challenge is to show that his coalition can represent the positions of different ethnic groups, while also incorporating the country's Islamists.

Especially challenging for both is how to accommodate more extreme perspectives in a moderate framework, in a bid to move Malaysian politics from negativity toward inclusion and hope. — Jakarta Globe

* Bridget Welsh is an associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University.

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

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The day of loony love — Sumati Sivasiamphai

FEB 10 — Every year around Valentine's, Thai officials get their conservative granny panties in a twist when they remember that some people might actually be using the so-called "Day of Love" to do far kinkier things with their panties.

Their horror is completely justified; I mean, how dare decent Thais view February 14 as a date to superficially honour romance, when they should be throwing a party to celebrate the fact that Makha Bucha Day is only about three weeks away! After all, I don't remember Buddha's teachings ever saying anything about reaching enlightenment by pretending to act surprised when the flowers you ordered for yourself arrive.

Poll shows polls are 150 per cent accurate

Why are the Staunch Thai Upholders of a Pure Innocent Disciplined Society (S.T.U.P.I.D.S for short) so worried about our moral demise on this Hallmark holiday? Because the S.T.U.P.I.D.S believe that every single Thai will be rushing out to... wait for it... have sex! Heavens to Betsy, and here I thought sex only happens if you have enough money to pay for it. The media annually regurgitates the message that young Thais use V-Day as an excuse to hump, never mind that socially awkward Moo with the bad breath hasn't been able to get a date since pimples began growing on his acne.

Just look at survey results from 2007: One-third of teenage girls said they were willing to have sex on Valentine's Day if their boyfriends asked, according to an Assumption University Poll. One-third! That's basically equivalent to every single person! However, last year an Abac Poll found that 70.4 per cent of youths didn't view February 14 as an excuse to boink, and 60 per cent didn't think the day was special.

Disregarding that it's probably pointless to conduct these kinds of polls (does anyone think kids are honestly going to answer questions about sex?), the S.T.U.P.I.D.S multiply these foolproof statistics with the exponential power of sweeping generalisations, and spend one day a year worrying that hormone-raging teens will be learning how babies are made.

Here comes the PDA police

You might recall that Thailand has the second highest rate of teenage pregnancy within the 15-19 age group; obviously all these babies were conceived on V-Day and that's more reason to only crack down on fornicatin' freaks one day of the year instead of offering long-term solutions like comprehensive sex education. Sensational news reports in the past have warned that police officers (also part of the S.T.U.P.I.D.S) would be out in full-force monitoring malls, cinemas, parks, restaurants and other entertainment venues in case the crazy youth should dare to show affection.

In 2007, a 10pm curfew was enforced on February 14 so kids wouldn't be out doing horrible things like standing too close to each other or breathing the same air. In 2008, a public campaign to ensure good behaviour involved turning on all lights at public parks because apparently bad things only happen in the dark. Cops also spend Valentine's Day busting in on short-time motels in the hopes of catching consenting couples doing far more titillating things than eating stale peanuts from the minibar. Although I'm not sure how having a bunch of men breaking in to a hotel room will stop people from having sex, perhaps it helps to spice things up to have an audience watching.

Banning over boning

Why even bother attempting to solve the wickedness February 14 brings when we could just choose banning over boning? That's what the S.T.U.P.I.D.S tried to do back in February 1986, when they prohibited observations of Valentine's Day in schools "because the holiday has no roots in Thai culture and has created improper habits among young people".

Ensuring that no one should succumb to these devilish "improper habits", the AP report quoted a culture minister saying "many young people bought expensive presents for loved ones, which is counter to government policy of instilling a sense of austerity in the people." As you can see that strategy has worked extremely well, given that we Thais spend all our time reading books, hanging out at museums, and living off one grain of rice a day.

So beware of cupid's poisonous arrow this Valentine's Day. But if any of you feel strange urges, don't worry; the S.T.U.P.I.D.S will always be around to protect you from indecency. — Bangkok Post

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

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Malaysia’s prime minister loses most from Anwar trial — Barry Wain

FEB 10 — Malaysians expressed a collective sigh of relief when Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was acquitted of sodomy charges in early January.

Their groan of dismay over the prosecution's subsequent decision to appeal was equally palpable.

For most Malaysians, despite being divided in their opinions of Anwar, the acquittal marked a chance to move away from the sleazy politics that has long dominated daily life. Now, they expect more of the same. Aware of public exasperation, Prime Minister Najib Razak was quick to seize on the not guilty verdict as proof of his 'reformist' agenda and Malaysia's supposedly independent judiciary. But the appeal leaves him stranded, inclined to delay calling a general election, and acutely aware that he is under threat as much from within his own ranks as from the opposition. It seems likely that Najib will win the next election, but unless he scores big — which seems unlikely — his leadership could be at risk.

The old guard in Najib's United Malays National Organisation (Umno), the core of the Barisan Nasional coalition government, has been trying to have Anwar convicted of sexual misconduct for more than 13 years. His first sodomy trial in the late 1990s was regarded as a miscarriage of justice, and the recently completed second trial was just as dubious, according to international legal and human rights organisations. Kuala Lumpur has a thriving gay club scene and nightlife, and the police — to their credit — do not hound homosexuals. But Anwar was hauled into court twice on a charge of 'carnal intercourse against the order of nature', which carries a maximum sentence of 20 years imprisonment.

The government's deliberate targeting of Anwar is obvious. His arrest in 2008 came soon after he led a revitalised opposition to unprecedented gains in a general election, depriving the Umno-led Barisan Nasional of its usual two-thirds majority in parliament. Subsequently, Anwar has spent much of the past three years caught up defending himself in the sodomy trial, when he might have otherwise engaged in consolidating the opposition coalition.

Despite, or perhaps because of, these efforts, the trial has become a liability for Najib. The value in distracting Anwar and trying to knock him out politically has been offset by the damage to Najib's reputation as a putative reformer. Conscious that the long-term electoral trend is running against the ruling coalition, which has held power since independence in 1957, Najib has positioned himself as an agent of change, who is in touch with Malaysia's younger generation. He has attempted to roll back unpopular elements of an affirmative action program designed to benefit the country's majority ethnic Malay community, liberalise press restrictions and replace controversial security laws, including detention without trial. Still, Najib is yet to convert the rhetoric of reform into reality, which he must do to win back the alienated centre of Malaysian politics, where cynicism and anger run deep.

Najib is encountering entrenched opposition within Umno, particularly from conservatives who favour continued Malay privileges and the flow of patronage to the party faithful. These older Umno Malays and their supporters in the business world and bureaucracy — especially the police and prosecutors — strongly objected to Anwar being freed and lobbied hard and successfully for the appeal. In the end, Najib will lose the most. It seems he failed to stand up to these factions — again — and lost the public relations gains from Anwar's acquittal.

The loss of the momentum that Anwar's freedom initially gave Najib may persuade him to wait until later this year to call an election, which must be held by March 2013. Najib must gamble that the electoral climate will improve by this time. But the economy could slow and more political scandals could emerge — rampant corruption involving Umno politicians has already hurt his government.

Free to campaign, Anwar will lift the spirits of the three-party opposition Pakatan Rakyat coalition. But he is looking and sounding tired, and his own People's Justice Party is rife with factionalism and squabbling. Although Anwar said recently: 'My gut tells me we will win [the election]', most analysts believe he will fall short, even if not by much.

While the opposition will surely live to fight another day, Najib may not have it so easy, even if he wins. Only the recovery of a two-thirds parliamentary majority will ensure his continued leadership of UMNO and Malaysia. Failing this, Najib could face pressure to step aside if he loses more seats, a fate that befell Abdullah Badawi, his predecessor. — East Asia Forum

* Barry Wain is Writer-in-Residence at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore.

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

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Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) Malaysia is a Disgrace to KFC as an International Franchise. The Staff Should be Sacked Immediately

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Another video uploaded as KFC punch-up riles Malaysians

by

Mariam Begum

Instead of abating, a video of a customer being punched by staff of a KFC outlet in I-City, Selangor, has attracted even greater public outcry. Other customers who were present and filmed the punch-up are starting to send in their footage to Segambut MP Lim Lip Eng.

"This is the second video taken by a customer who was at the I-City KFC fight fiasco," Lip Eng said on his Twitter.

Churlish and unprofessional

The second video confirms the view of many that the KFC staff had behaved churlishly towards Ng Chee Fei, who had gone to the restaurant with his wife on February 6.

According to Ng, he and his wife were made to wait at the KFC outlet for an hour before being rudely told "'ayam sudah habis, apa you mahu lagi?

Angered by the sloppy service, he ticked off the staff and a shouting match ensued. According to his wife, some of the staff even brought out a steel bar to threaten them.

Although she managed to pull her husband away, he refused to be brushed off and re-entered the outlet, demanding their names so that he lodge a formal complaint. It was then that one of the staff punched him in the face, while the outlet manager stood by and chatted the others.

'Racialisng' what was basically terrible customer service

Some of those present filmed the incident, and one of them uploaded the video on You Tube, where it became viral. Anxious to downplay the violence displayed by the staff, some cyber-troopers who se! em to be Umno supporters began tagging the incident as an outbreak of Malay vs Chinese animosity. Ng was also accused of being an 'arrogant Chinese'.

This led Ng to seek legal advice and lodge a police report over the incident. At the police station, Ng was advised not to approach the Pakatan Rakyat with his story 'in the spirit of 1Malaysia'.

However, given the deafening silence from KFC, which has yet to offer an apology or words of comfort, Ng decided to approach Lip Eng for justice. KFC is an Umno-linked frim.

"I won't go back to KFC, not for a long time, I'm mentally distressed," Ng told a press conference on Thursday.

"This is no reason for physical attack. I did not hit back because violence is not the answer. Rumours that I was drunk when the incident occurred are also not true."

Spare the rod and spoil the child

All eyes are on whether KFC will refuse to call for an inquiry into the conduct of its staff. All eyes are also on the police to see if they will take any action at all.

There is also some expectation that ultra-Malay rights group Perkasa and its founder Ibrahim Ali may be roped in to speak on behalf of the KFC staff.
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Part VIII: A matter of priority


Part 1: 1-CARE: Scouting in the dark

Part 2: 1-CARE: Who pays for it?

Part 3: 1-CARE: Is it fair for the people to pay?

Part 4: 1-CARE: The way I would do it? 

Part 5: 1-CARE: The interview

Part 6: 1-CARE: Understand the people's worry and manage it

Part 7: 1-CARE: Giving the poor the access to private practice

  • RR is making a career over the NFC issue. He only paused while SJ was performing her Umrah recently. Clearly that the target was not NFC but it was SJ. They continue to attack SJ though there are no clear legal issues binding between SJ and NFC. I felt RR is being very personal over the matter. In my text message to SJ family members yesterday, I told them that SJ should not resign, as the country needs her. That is my honest assessment and personal view. Unfortunately, I believe UMNO top brass has made their decision 4 weeks ago as for her political career.


  • Several weeks ago I wrote that RR information on NFC came from UMNO. The truth is coming out slowly.  Fact is The AGC is looking into the issue, an international audit firm has been appointed by AGC to audit the NFC.   The MACC and the police is addressing the complains and we should give her and her family a break for a few weeks until the authorities comes out with the decision. RR must realize that whatever goes around comes around. I know of a team that has been tasked to compile a complete dossier of this guy. His turn will come. PR should stay focus on issues and not on personalities that has no relationship with the issue.


  • It is time that PR focused on something bigger that affects the entire nation. The issue today is 1-CARE (1C). They must give their resources and time as they had given NFC and get the government to declare and be transparent on details that relates to 1C. I don't understand on why the government is not coming forward and giving out the much desired details. The information that has been rehashed is the same but the people worries are not being addressed.


  • I would like to urge RR to spend his time, energy and the same vigor that he has given NFC and address the unclear issues of project 1C. I think the people have the rights to know something that is has serious repercussions on the current and future generations of Malaysian. Can we depend on PR and RR to address such important issue or they still want to focus on Anwar and cows? The cows are a limited issue with small implications. The project 1C has wider implications.

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Pemuda Umno Selangor mahu polis siasat kes pasir

SHAH ALAM: Pemuda Umno Selangor hari ini mahu polis dan Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) menyiasat dakwaan laporan penulis blog Malaysia Today Raja Petra Kamaruddin berhubung penglibatan dua Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri (Adun) dalam skandal perlombongan pasir.

Ketua Pemuda Umno Selangor Ungku Mohd Salleh Ungku Abdul Jamal dalam laporan polisnya berkata, di dalam blog tersebut terdapat pendedahan penyalahgunaan kuasa dan rasuah dalam Selangor oleh dua Adun, yang merujuk kepada Adun Batu Caves Amiruddin Shari dan Adun Sri Muda Shuhaimi Shafiei.

Katanya, isu ini harus dipandang serius memandangkan terdapat unsur jenayah rasuah dan berharap kes ini dapat disiasat secepat mungkin.

"Tujuan laporan polis ini dibuat untuk memastikan tindakan serta siasatan rapi dilakukan oleh pihak polis terhadap kesahihan artikel
ini," katanya dalam satu laporan yang dibuat di Ibu Pejabat Daerah (IPD) Shah Alam di sini petang tadi.

Semantara laporan kepada SPRM akan dikemukakan pihaknya Isnin ini.

Raja Petra dalam blognya semalam mendakwa Adun PKR Shuhaimi dan Amiruddin terbabit dalam rasuah untuk meraih kontrak industri pasir di Selangor.

Beliau mendakwa mempunyai rakaman telefon Shuhaimi yang meminta RM50,000 daripada seorang ahli peniagaan yang hanya mahu dikenali sebagai SC, selain mendedahkan bukti Shuhaimi dan Amiruddin yang menggunakan kuasa sebagai ahli lembaga pengarah Double Dignity (M) Sdn Bhd yang ditubuhkan oleh SC untuk mendapat kontrak melombong pasir.

Walau bagaimanapun, Shuhaimi dan Amiruddin dalam sidang media pagi tadi menafikan penglibatan mereka termasuk Timbalan Presiden PKR Azmin Ali dalam skandal itu dan menganggap Raja Petra cuba untuk memfitnah mereka.

'Siasat semula kes Patrick Wong'

Sementara itu, Ungku Mohd Salleh yang ditemui pemberita diluar IPD Shah Alam berkata pihaknya turut menggesa polis menyiasat semula motif kematian ahli perniagaan Datuk Patrick Wong Kie Yik sama ada kemungkinan ia terlibat dengan kes pembunuhan.

Raja Petra dalam blognya juga mendakwa kematian bekas Presiden Persatuan Pemborong Binaan Malaysia itu mempunyai kaitan dengan
skandal penyelewengan pasir membabitkan pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat di Selangor.

Katanya, ia berdasarkan pertemuan antara beliau dengan mendiang di United Kingdom pada Oktober 2009 atau sebulan sebelum kejadian itu, di mana Patrick telah berjanji untuk mengumpul maklumat mengenai penyelewengan pasir.

Jelas Raja Petra, beliau percaya tiga perompak bersenjata parang yang memecah masuk rumah mendiang di Bukit Bandaraya, Bangsar, adalah pembunuh yang diupah oleh pihak yang terbabit dalam penyelewengan pasir kerana bimbang isu rasuah tersebut didedahkan Patrick.

Dalam kejadian pada 19 November 2009, Patrick, 57, yang ketika itu berada dalam bilik komputer dilaporkan maut apabila terjatuh
daripada balkoni, ketika cuba menyelamatkan diri selepas panik melihat dua daripada tiga perompak menyerbu tingkat atas rumahnya.

Bagaimanapun, anak perempuan dan lelaki Patrick yang masing-masing berusia 18 dan 25 tahun serta pembantu rumah tidak diapa-apakan, sebaliknya perompak hanya melarikan dompet mangsa berisi USD300 (RM1,018) dan telefon bimbit milik anak perempuan mendiang.

Sementara itu, Timbalan Ketua Polis Negara Datuk Seri Khalid Abu Bakar hari ini meminta Raja Petra mengemukakan bukti dakwaannya bagi membantu polis kerana siasatan pihaknya setakat ini tidak menunjukkan sebarang kaitan pembunuhan itu dengan isu pasir.

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Plexus #LoyarBerkasih

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Its about internet relationships and social autism. All this digital rewiring is causing us to slowly lose some serious non verbal communication skills. I think its kind of strange and interesting how relationships are primarily sustained this way. But I guess for some people it's better than nothing.

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Sabahan Visual effects artist stuck in KL. Lives with his cat, works 24/7 and barely sees the light of day. When he's done and tired of being a freelancer, he'd like to go back and teach monkeys how to rotoscope.

Posted on 10 February 2012. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0.

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How much for the Scorpenes?

PARIS: According to different sources in France, the two Scorpene submarines sold to Malaysia would have cost about 670 million euros (RM2.1billion in 2002*), about half of the total deal.

The sale of the two Scorpene submarines to Malaysia, signed in June 2002 by the DCN-I in France and managed by the commercial company Armaris one month later, is part of a larger programme called Soumalais. This programme is divided into four contracts – Scorpene, Malsout, Training and Ouessant.

According to the report of the French Ministry of Defence in 2002-2003, total orders for the Malaysian Navy in 2002-2003 were estimated at 686.5 million euros, of which 671. 2 million was for submarines. Knowing the average price of a Scorpene submarine, the question is if it was the price for one or two submarines.

SIPRI, the global database used by researchers in defence, mentioned that France and Spain exported one submarine each to Malaysia, as part of a 1.2 billion euros deal. It also showed that in 2009 (date of the delivery of submarines), US$ 335 million was paid by Malaysia to France, and US$ 299 million to Spain.

The database also mentioned a 50% discount. This discount is not the one for the Ouessant submarine on which the Malaysian submariners were trained. This submarine, the Agosta class type, which is about to be transformed as a museum in Malaysia, had been given for free last fall (but Malaysia did pay for it to be restored, according to the Ouessant contract).

These reports suggest that the average price of one submarine sold to Malaysia is about 335 millions euros. An amount confirmed by Armaris – which closed its doors while the Malaysian NGO Suaram was lodging a complaint for corruption in France. Financial reports of the company in 2002 mentioned a contract of 682.7 million euros for the building of the two submarines.

Expensive or not?

In general, it is difficult to estimate the price of a submarine, which varies greatly depending on options. Nevertheless, the average price would rise rather between 400 and 450 million euros for a Scorpene submarine, a price that can easily double depending on options.

For example, the Scorpene sold to Chile cost between 400 and 460 million euros and 750 million euros for India. Compared to it, the Malaysian submarines would have cost between 300 and 340 million euros.

Moreover, according to a public report on the management of the French company DCN, in 2002 the company had lost a lot of money and was criticised for not being profit-oriented (the submarines were sold with heavy financial losses to Pakistan).

Given the competitive environment in 2002, it is also quite possible that DCN sold its submarines at a low price, hoping to hit the market not only in Malaysia, but also other countries in Southeast Asia.

The sale of the two Scorpene submarines, signed on June 5, 2002, is currently the subject of Suaram's complaint for corruption.

The application for incorporation in civil part of Suaram in France was accepted last December and the appointment of an independent judge should only be a matter of time.

*(1 Euro=RM3.2 in 2002)

Céline Boileau is a Paris-based freelance writer.

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RPK Naikkan Isu Lama Untuk Menangkan Najib

ULASAN: Hairan seratus kali hairan. Semenjak 2009 lagi, pengurusan KSSB dipantau oleh kedua-dua Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) serta Transparency International (TI).

MAlahan, dua orang ahli lembaga pengarah KSSB dilantik oleh SPRM sendiri.

Dengan tuduhan rasuah ini, maka sekaligus Raja Petra menuduh SPRM dan TI terlibat di dalam meelindungi rasuah.

Sahlah, Raja Petra dah sewel dan kewarasannya sudah hilang.

Nasihat saya kepada Raja Petra, kalau dah gian sangat untuk membodek Najib Tun Razak, janganlah sampai terdedah kebodohan diri sendiri.


(Kenyataan Rasmi Pejabat Menteri Besar Selangor berkaitan tuduhan liar Raja Petra Kamaruddin terhadap pengurusan pasir)

Operasi KSSB Dipantau Transparency International & SPRM sejak 2009

Kerajaan Negeri Selangor telah mengambil inisiatif bagi memastikan Kumpulan Semesta Sdn Bhd (KSSB), syarikat milik penuh Kerajaan Negeri, diuruskan secara telus dan bertanggungjawab.

Menteri Besar, Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim berkata pegawai-pegawai Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) telah dibenarkan memasuki secara bebas ke pejabat KSSB sejak 2009 untuk menjalankan siasatan sekiranya perlu.

"Ketika KSSB dikritik pada 2009, saya telah mengadakan perjumpaan de! ngan peg awai-pegawai kanan SPRM diketuai Timbalan Ketua Pesuruhjaya (Pencegahan), Datuk Sutinah Sultan dan menawarkan mereka untuk menempatkan pegawai-pegawai di pejabat KSSB.

"SPRM menerima menerima tawaran ini dan sejak itu pegawai dan kakitangan SPRM bebas keluar masuk ke pejabat KSSB," katanya ketika mengulas dakwaan rasuah melibatkan operasi pasir di Selangor yang disiarkan di sebuah laman blog.

Menteri Besar berkata, semua transaksi perniagaan pasir di Selangor dipantau Transparency International dan dua pengarah bebas badan itu juga dilantik sebagai Ahli Lembaga Pengarah KSSB sejak tahun lalu.

"Kita meminta Transparency International mencalonkan dua nama untuk dilantik sebagai Ahli Lembaga Pengarah KSSB kerana kita berpendapat, sekiranya lantikan dibuat oleh kerajaan negeri, individu berkenaan mungkin tidak berlaku bebas.

"Transparency International telah melantik Chong Seng Gee dan Sabtu Md Ali untuk menduduki jawatan Ahli Lembaga Pengarah KSSB sejak tahun lalu," katanya sambil menambah, KSSB juga diaudit setiap suku tahun oleh juruaudit bebas.

Menteri Besar berkata beliau tidak akan menghalang sesiapa yang ingin memberi maklumat mengenai rasuah dan salah guna kuasa dalam pentadbiran Kerajaan Negeri dan anak-anak syarikat.

"Kita bersedia menerima maklumat daripada orang ramai untuk membantu Kerajaan Negeri dan anak syarikat supaya lebih telus dan bertanggungjawab. Kita serius membanteras rasuah dan kerana itu kita telah mengambil langkah-langkah tertentu sejak beberapa tahun lalu."

Terdahulu, Menteri Besar menyampaikan Sijil Layak Menduduki (CF) kepada hampir 600 pemilik rumah kos rendah Taman Ukay Indah, Sungai Sering, Hulu Klang, yang disiapkan Kerajaan Negeri selepas terbengkalai sejak sembilan tahun lalu.

"Ini adalah salah satu projek perumahan terbengkalai yang telah kita baik pulih, Sejak mengambil alih Selangor pada Mac 2008 lebih 10,000 pembeli rumah terbengkalai telah menerima rumah mereka. Ada beberapa lagi projek terbengkalai yang 90 pera! tus tela h siap termasuk Sungai Berembang dan Ukay Bistari di Hulu Klang," kata beliau.

Dikeluarkan oleh

SEKRETARIAT AKHBAR

PEJABAT DATO' MENTERI BESAR SELANGOR


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A Critique of the ETP: Part 3 (iii) – Execution (iii)- Doubtful EPPs; doubtful achievements and due diligence

By Dr. Ong Kian Ming BSc (LSE), MPhil (Cantab), PhD (Duke)
Teh Chi-Chang, CFA, BSc (Warwick), MBA (Cantab)

Refsa

Some PEMANDU 'achievements' are doubtful. The Karambunai Integrated Resort and Tanjong Agas Oil and Gas Park do not appear viable and their private sector developers are financially weak. These two EPPs alone account for 7% of the total investments trumpeted by PEMANDU during the first year of the ETP. Their inclusion weakens the credibility of the headline investments, national income and job accretion that PEMANDU claims to have achieved.

Karambunai IR – expensive and crowded? The investment cost for this project in rural Sabah soared from RM3 billion to nearly RM10 billion in the six short months from its first mention before the ETP was launched to its final incarnation as an EPP. At this price, we estimate it needs 2.8 million visitors per year to break-even – more than all the passengers arriving at Kota Kinabalu airport!

Aghast at Tanjong Agas. The massive investment and construction work in this fishing village will result in infrastructure that duplicates the thriving towns of Kertih and Gebeng, which are the stated focus areas for oil and gas activities in the Eastern Corridor Economic Region. PEMANDU will no doubt deny that the infrastructure is redundant, and maintain that the transformation of this village is unrelated to its location in Pekan, the parliamentary constituency of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib.

"D' for execution – where is the due diligence? Karambunai in its current form is clearly unviable. Tanjong Agas is contrary to the government's own Eastern Corridor master plan. Taxpayer funding for Karambunai soared 6-fold in 6 months, from RM100 million to RM600 million. The single largest investor in Tanjong Agas is reportedly contributing barely any equity funding. Straight answers from PEMANDU would be appreciated.

The execution process at PEMANDU troubles REFSA

Success of the ETP (Economic Transformation Programme)1 boils down to execution of the individual EPPs (Entry Point Projects). All the EPPs collectively add investments, national income and jobs to the ultimate goal of taking Malaysia to high-income status by 2020.

PEMANDU2, based on its updates, is showing a crisp pace of execution3. But below the surface gloss, REFSA sees deeper issues surrounding the execution of the ETP – The 'E' in the DEEDs framework with which we are evaluating PEMANDU and the ETP.

  • Part 3 (i) PEMANDU strengthens the know-who cancer:

    1. Suggested that some of the quick pace of implementation was due to PEMANDU taking credit for projects already under way which were subsequently named as EPPs; and

    2. Pointed out that PEMANDU is institutionalising the role of middleman if it cuts red tape on a case-by-case basis for EPPs. This reinforces the 'know-who' culture that is killing Malaysian innovation, creativity and productivity. It does not matter how good your product or idea is, or how efficiently you can make it, it depends on who you know to get it through the system.

  • Part 3 (ii) The hothouse labs probably killed innovation examined the NKEA lab process. We highlighted:

    1. The high-pressure NKEA lab process was more conducive to incumbent companies with pre-existing business plans rather than start-ups with genuinely transformative ideas; and

    2. The private sector participants would be championing their own interests first and national transformation second. A glaring example is the missing automotive sector. It is not one of the NKEAs, despite the huge sums of taxpayer and Petronas money that have gone into supporting our national cars.

In this third and final part of our evaluation we use the examples of two massive but economically tenuous EPPs to illustrate potential shortcomings in the due diligence process while selecting EPPs.

Some EPPs are questionable

We see possible 'dud' projects – projects with very little hope of success – among the EPPs announced. We shall illustrate by spotlighting the Karambunai Integrated Resort City EPP under the Tourism NKEA and the Tanjong Agas Oil and Gas Logistics and Industrial Park EPP under the Oil, Gas and Energy NKEA.

Our concerns:

  • Start with the financial feasibility of these EPPs;

  • Extend to the qualifications, experience and track record or lack thereof of the private sector partners; and

  • Widen to the reliability of the investment, GNI and job creation figures associated with these EPPs

Karambunai – how to triple your investment in 6 months!

Perhaps the most serious example of a possible dud EPP is the RM9.6 billion Karambunai Integrated Resort City (Karambunai IR) announced in the 5th ETP Update on 19 Apr 2011.

Karambunai IR is actually an example of a pre-ETP project that was subsumed as an EPP. It received its first major mention in early Oct 2010, by no less than the prime minister himself:

  • At that time, during the Budget speech, it was presented as a RM3 billion project to develop an integrated eco-nature resort in Karambunai4;

  • A few weeks later, in mid-Oct, Karambunai IR was presented as an EPP in the ETP Roadmap Report with a projected RM6.7 billion investment value5;

  • 6 months later, when announced as an EPP in the 5th ETP Update in Apr 2011, the investment cost had jumped to RM9.6 billion6!

  • All in, the project investment cost had more than tripled in the span of just ½ a year from RM3 billion in Oct 2010 to nearly RM10 billion by Apr 2011. This massive escalation in the project cost has never been explained, which is particularly astonishing given the huge sum involved.

    It may be asserted that the inflated investment between the time of the prime minister's budget speech and its inclusion in the ETP Roadmap Report a fortnight later was due to value-enhancing activities by PEMANDU.

    That might indeed be the case. But under PEMANDU's watch, in the short six-month period from Oct 2010 when the ETP Roadmap was launched to Apr 2011 when Karambunai IR was highlighted in the 5th ETP Update:

  • The investment numbers ballooned from RM6.7 billion to RM9.6 billion;

  • The expected GNI (gross national income) contribution soared 13-fold from RM707 million to RM9.3 billion7;

  • The jobs created were inflated from 7,700 to 11,000.

It beggars belief how the Karambunai IR's business model could have been restructured to add so much more value, income and jobs in such a short span of time:

  • Either the initial model was deeply flawed and left too much low-hanging fruit to reap, or the new plans are way too optimistic.

  • Neither explanation reflects well on PEMANDU's due diligence process for selecting EPPs and verifying the expected contributions to GNI and job creation.

In fact, investment analysts and market observers were already querying the viability of the initial RM3 billion project, particularly doubting the ability of project developer Karambunai Corp Berhad. The Star reported the following in Oct 2010:

Still, scepticism abounds on Karambunai's ability to execute this grand plan, not least because of its weak financial status. The company has been in the red for the past three financial years…. In addition, it has piled on huge debts with short-term borrowings of RM192.07mil and long-term borrowings of RM283.77mil8.

It was widely perceived that such a massive investment in rural Sabah would be financially viable only if the project included a licence to operate a casino. In Karambunai IR's case, such conjectures gained further credence from:

  • The 'integrated resort' terminology used to describe this project. 'Integrated resort' was the less-emotive term used by the Singapore government to help persuade its citizens that tourism resorts incorporating casinos were in the best long-term interests of the country;

  • Three of the four integrated resorts named as examples in the ETP Roadmap Report have significant casino operations – Marina Bay Sands and Resorts World Sentosa in Singapore and the Atlantis in the Bahamas9. The third – Palm Resort in Dubai – is backed by a government that had to be rescued by its neighbour Abu Dhabi during the 2008/09 financial crisis;

  • The majority shareholder of Karambunai Corp Berhad, Tan Sri Chen Lip Keong, also controls Nagacorp, which operates a casino in Cambodia10; and

  • The fact that the project appears financially unviable without a casino.

Both Karambunai and PEMANDU have denied that Karambunai IR would include a casino. Malaysians may well be sceptical of such denials. The case of Ascott Sports comes to mind; the government initially denied a sports-betting licence had been issued, then admitted a 'conditional' licence had been given and subsequently withdrew the licence following public opprobrium.

There is also another interesting denial. Petaling Tin, which owns some of the land involved, denied signing 'any agreement with any parties pertaining to the resort project, and there are no corporate developments that warrant future disclosures to the stock exchange at this juncture11. This announcement was made on 19 Apr 2011, the day of the 5th ETP Update in which Karambunai IR was announced.

But taking the denials at face value, it is startling that PEMANDU accepted this project as an EPP. Even a cursory examination suggests the project is unviable without the boost from a lucrative casino licence.

Our analysis shows that Karambunai IR would have to attract an exceptionally large crowd spending extraordinary amounts of money on lodging, entertainment and food and beverage to be viable.

Table 1: Karambunai IR has to attract more visitors than all the passenger arrivals at Kota Kinabalu airport to be viable

Total investment RM9.6 billion It was RM3.0 billion in early Oct 2010, rising to RM6.7 billion a few weeks later and then RM9.6 billion by Apr 2011.
Assume 50% borrowings RM4.8 billion Assume 50% is financed by bankers, and 50% by investors.
Annual loan repayments RM240 million Assume borrowings are repaid over 20 years.
Annual interest payments RM384 million Assume 8% per year interest rate. We acknowledge this is simplified – interest payments will be reduced as the loan is repaid, but this does not significantly affect our argument.
Return required by investors RM480 million Assume investors would be satisfied with a modest 10% per year net return, after tax. In reality, returns in excess of 15% will likely be demanded.
Corporate tax paid RM160 million Assume 25% tax rate
Total annual EBITDA required RM1,264 million EBITDA = earnings before interest, tax, depreciation and amortisation. It is from EBITDA that a company repays borrowings and pays interest charges and corporate taxes, with the balance going to investors.
Revenue needed per year RM4.2 billion RM11.95 million per day. This assumes a high 30% EBITDA margin. The Walt Disney Company has an EBITDA margin of just 23%.
Average capacity required (number of visitors per day) 23,000 This is nearly as much as the 25,000 visitors per day capacity at Universal Studios Singapore. Note that Karambunai IR should be more 'exclusive' and cater to fewer people (Our calculation assumes each visitor spends RM500 per day).
No. of visitors per year required 2.8 million Assume each visitor stays an average 3 days. Kota Kinabalu airport welcomed just 2.5 million arrivals in 2011.

Source: REFSA. Note that this calculation does not include costs for maintenance capital expenditure and upgrading work. The revenue per visitor and visitors needed would be even higher to cover this.

Even after giving Karambunai IR the benefit of the doubt by assuming it manages to attract very big spenders and earns high profit margins, Karambunai IR would have to entertain over 2.8 million visitors per year just to cover its basic costs. This is more than the 2.5 million passengers arriving at Kota Kinabalu airport every year12!

It is mind-boggling that PEMANDU accepted this project as an EPP given the obvious doubts about its financial viability. It is astounding that PEMANDU has committed at least RM600 million of government funds to this project13. And we wonder about the veracity of the rapidly increasing investment, gross income contribution and job creation numbers.

Tanjong Agas – or Tanjong Tanpa-gas?

The issues surrounding the Tanjong Agas Oil and Gas and Logistics Industrial Park in Pahang announced in the 2nd ETP Update are similar to those afflicting the Karambunai IR.

Firstly, like Karambunai IR, this is a 'recycled' project. It was originally launched in Feb 2009, but featured in Oct 2010 as an EPP during the launch of the ETP Roadmap.

Secondly, like Karambunai, it is likely that this project will require taxpayers' money from the Facilitation Fund:

  • At its launch in 2009, it was said that RM8 billion would be invested to equip the park with shipyards, fabrication yards, supply-based fabrication for repairs and lay-ups, liquefied natural gas and petroleum terminals, dredger yards, liquid-bulk terminals and dockyards;

  • Under the ETP Update, the initial investment listed for this EPP was RM3 billion from 2011 to 2012. Of this amount, RM300 million will come from the Facilitation Fund from the 10th Malaysian Plan14.

Thirdly, like Karambunai, the investment requires fund-raising which seems beyond the ability of the companies involved in the project:

  • The concessionaire to develop the park, Tanjong Agas Supply Base and Marine Services Sdn Bhd (TASBMS), 30%-owned by the Pahang State Development Corporation (PKNP), is to invest RM2 billion;

  • The balance RM6 billion is to come from 7 private companies15.

TASBMS itself reportedly aims to borrow the entire RM2 billion needed from KAF Investment Bank and 'hoped the federal government would financially support the state's growth'16. Is it furnishing any equity at all?

Next, one wonders how 7 unknown private companies can hope to raise RM6 billion, particularly when details of the park are poorly publicised17.

Taking a step back, why Tanjong Agas in the first place? Tanjong Agas does not feature in the Eastern Corridor Economic Region (ECER). Kertih and Gebeng were identified as the two focus areas for oil, gas and petrochemical clusters18.

Gebeng already houses major oil and gas industry names including BP Chemicals and BASF Petronas Chemicals. It is also well connected, with direct pipelines and a railway line to Kuantan Port, a mere 5 kilometres away, with centralised tankage facilities and container and bulk liquid port services19.

Tanjong Agas is a greenfield requiring massive investment. One cannot help but wonder who will be the beneficiaries of the contracts to conduct land reclamation, deepen the harbour, construct the port facilities and build the roads leading to this new industrial park.

Would our readers be aghast to learn that Tanjong Agas is located in Pekan, which also happens to be the parliamentary constituency of Prime Minister Najib? Perhaps we are being too cynical. Perhaps the massive development of this particular fishing village, instead of others, is completely unrelated to its illustrious parliamentary representative.

With all these questions surrounding this Tanjong Agas project, it is not surprising that some have drawn parallels between this project and the Port Klang Free Zone fiasco20. Would the taxpayer once again be left to pick up the bill if this project fails to take off?

"D" for execution – whereis the due diligence?

PEMANDU rates poorly on the entire value chain from conceptualisation to execution of EPPs:

  1. Firstly, the financial viability of at least some projects is dubious. This brings to mind the practice of 'recycling' – the naming of existing projects as EPPs. Cynics would ask why these projects would need the shot in the arm of being declared EPPs if they were already viable in the first place. And we have pointed out that PEMANDU stepping in to give its 'seal of approval' even for good projects reinforces the know-who rather than know-how culture;

  2. Secondly, the qualifications, expertise and track record of some investors and project owners are weak. Besides the owners of the Karambunai IR and Tanjong Agas projects highlighted here, another example is the widely disparaged 1Malaysia email ETP for which financially-distressed Tricubes Berhad21 was selected as the private sector partner;

  3. Thirdly, this leads us to regard with scepticism the attainability of the vital statistics of these projects that are included in the ETP progress updates – the investment values, gross national income (GNI) contributions and jobs created;

  4. Which then leads to doubts about the veracity of the astounding achievements touted at each ETP update. The two possible 'dud' projects highlighted here have investments that total RM12.6 billion or 7% of the projected RM177 billion of total investments committed during the first year of the ETP;

What if these are just the tip of the iceberg? How many other potential 'duds' are there among the 113 EPPs announced so far?

It might be suggested that the highly-paid team at PEMANDU and its expensive consultants22 are not in a position to question the investment value, GNI contribution and jobs created by private stakeholders involved in any EPP. But this would be irresponsible for three reasons:

  1. Some of these projects involve the spending of taxpayers' money. For example, the government will contribute at least RM600 million to the Karambunai IR project23;

  2. The amount of public money involved is tied to the expected investment value of the project. This is a very important point. There is an incentive for the private stakeholders to inflate the expected cost of their projects in order to increase the amount of Facilitation Funds which they can apply for from the Public Private Partnership Unit (UKAS)24;

    Continuing with the Karambunai IR example, it is unclear if the public funding requirement has also increased with the subsequent ballooning of the project cost from RM6.7 billion to RM10 billion;

  3. These figures contribute to the overall investment, GNI contribution and jobs created targets which are trumpeted by PEMANDU in its ETP updates and press releases. If the basis of these numbers is suspect, then the validity of PEMANDU's claimed progress in taking us to the end goal of a high income nation is questionable.

What should Pemandu do?

Doing the following will bolster credence of PEMANDU's claimed progress and lead to more confidence in the economic viability as well as the numbers and figures associated with EPPs:

  1. Back up the impressive headline numbers in each ETP update with a detailed progress update on each EPP including the amount of public and private investment already spent25;

  2. Work with the potential EPP owners to make sure that the figures of interest are economically and financially sound;

  3. Be willing to oust EPPs from the ETP if subsequent analysis or events render them economically unsound. On this matter, PEMANDU should:

    1. Avoid projects such as 1Malaysia Email which explicitly seek the government or government agencies as a core customer;

    2. Be especially careful with projects backed by the politically influential. These projects must be able to pass exceptional scrutiny; and

    3. Avoid 'recap' projects, especially those which have been in existence before the ETP such as Karambunai IR26; and

  4. Be ready to exclude investment, incremental GNI and job figures from individual EPPs which have been announced but cannot be executed.

________

1 The ETP calls for 131 entry point projects (EPPs) within 12 National Key Economic Areas (NKEAs), which will pour RM1.4 trillion worth of investment into the economy and create 3.3 million new jobs by 2020.

2 The acronym that the Performance Management and Delivery Unit within the prime minister‟s department is better known by. PEMANDU is the government agency that created and is now steering the ETP.

3 In the short period of just over a year since the launch of the ETP in Sept 2010, PEMANDU announced a total 113 EPPs worth RM177 billion and with the potential to create nearly 390,000 jobs.

4 Item 36, pg.14, of the 2011 Budget Speech. Prime Minister Najib said the government would allocate RM100 million for this project.

5 EPP 5: Developing an Eco-nature Integrated Resort in Sabah, pg.330 ETP Roadmap Report.

6 Announcements – 19 Apr 2011: Karabunai Integrated Resort City. Available at http://etp.pemandu.gov.my/Progress_Update-@-Karambunai_Integrated_Resort_City.aspx. Retrieved on 9 Jan 2012.

7 Interestingly, Karambunai Corp‟s own announcement indicates RM1.3 billion GNI from this project – http://www.karambunaicorp.com/Announcement/KIRCFactSheet.pdf. Is the RM9.3 billion figure a typo?

8 Karambunai in the limelight after Budget. Tee Lin Say, the Star, 20 Oct 2010. Available at http://biz.thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2010/10/20/business/7249320. Retrieved on 9 Jan 2012.

9 EPP 5: Developing an Eco-nature Integrated Resort in Sabah. Pg 330 ETP Roadmap Report. One also has to remember that these integrated resorts were backed by listed companies with deep pockets and long experience.

10 He is the single-largest shareholder in Karambunai with a 44% stake; Petaling Tin has 34%. Tan Sri Chen is also the founder of NagaCorp, of which he holds 63%, and is its CEO and Executive Director. Reported in Chen-led consortium to invest RM9.6 billion in Karambunai resort. Chua Sue-Ann, 20 Apr 2011, The Edge. Available at http://www.theedgemalaysia.com/in-the-financial-daily/185355-chen-led-consortium-to-invest-rm96b-in-karambunai-resort.html . Retrieved on 17 Jan 2012.

11 Chen-led consortium to invest RM9.6b in Karambunai resort. Chua Sue-Ann, The Edge Malaysia 20 Apr 2011. Available at www.theedgemalaysia.com/in-the-financial-daily/185355-chen-led-consortium-to-invest-rm96b-in-karambunai-resort.html. Retrieved 17 Jan 2012.

12 Significant increase in passenger traffic at airports. Bernama, 28 Jul 2011. The report says Kota Kinabalu airport handled 2.5 million passengers in the six months ended June 2011. This covers both arriving and departing passengers. Taking a 50:50 split, 2.5 million passenger arrivals would be expected for the whole year.

13 This RM600 million amount was based on the RM6.7 billion investment value cited in the ETP Roadmap Report in Oct 2010. It was not disclosed if the amount was subsequently raised to match the RM9.6 billion value cited in the 5th ETP Update in Apr 2011.

14 Presumably the federal government contribution will be from the RM300m facilitation fund under the Tenth Malaysia Plan. Reported in „RM300m more for Tanjung Agas Park‟. Available at http://www.tgagas.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=48:rm300m-more-for-tanjong-agas-park-&catid=1:latest-news. Retrieved 10 Jan 2012.

15 Vantech Dockyard (M) Sdn Bhd, Tec-Steel Manufacturing Sdn Bhd, Usatech Marine (M) Sdn Bhd, Bitari Abadi Sdn Bhd, Core Competence Sdn Bhd, Competent Selection Sdn Bhd and Damini Corp Sdn Bhd.

16 Tanjung Agas mega project to kick off soon. Danny Yap, the Star , 23 Feb 2009. Available at http://thestar.com.my/maritime/story.asp?file=/2009/2/23/maritime/3298307&sec=maritime. Retrieved 9 Jan 2012.

17 A cursory examination of the TASBMS website www.tgagas.com would cast doubts on its ability to attract over RM30 billion in investments over the next 10 years. For example, there is no master plan of the park nor an outline of the phases of development needed to develop and grow the park.

18 http://www.ecerdc.com.my/ecerdc/oil.htm

19 http://www.investinpahang.gov.my/index.php?ch=en_opportunities&pg=en_chemical. Retrieved 9 Jan 2012.

20 PKNP and its industrial park in Tajung Aga, Pekan and Taman industri gas, minyak dan maritim Tanjung Agas, Pekan. Available at http://sakmongkol.blogspot.com/2009/02/taman-industri-gas-minyak-dan-maritim.html and http://sakmongkol.blogspot.com/2009/02/pknp-and-its-industrial-park-in-tajung.html. Retrieved 9 Jan 2012.

21 Tricubes CEO Khairun Zainal had admitted that the project was a „financial lifeline‟ for the company. This company had also made „typo errors‟ in its 2011 annual report. The „typos‟ showed the company lost just RM7.3 million in the financial year ended 31 Mar 2011, whereas the actual loss was RM17.2 million. Source: Tricubes says losses higher last year, blames typos. Yow Hong Chieh, Malaysian Insider, 29 Dec 2011.

22 Its eight directors reportedly pocket RM39,000 each per month; while consultants McKinsey were paid RM36 million to set up PEMANDU. Covered in Part 1: Introducing DEEDS.

23 EPP 5: Developing an Eco-nature Integrated Resort in Sabah, pg.330 ETP Roadmap Report.

24 This Fund is to be "utilised to finance the development of basic infrastructure of a project such as access road, bridges, utilities as well as land acquisition for highway projects .. Generally the funding limit … is capped at 10% of the total project cost". Facilitation Fund Guidelines retrieved 17 Jan 2012 from www.ukas.gov.my/html/themes/miu/images/miu/Guideline%20FF%20in%20English.pdf.

25 Our discussions with PEMANDU indicate that this will be included in the ETP‟s Annual Report.

26 Avoiding these projects also has the additional benefit of avoiding the criticism that PEMANDU is desperate and is simply "recycling‟ old projects instead of seeking new projects that are genuinely transformational and add new incremental GNI.

********

About this series

Critics of PEMANDU and the ETP thus far have tended to focus on the expensive costs incurred by PEMANDU and its consultants, accusations of style prevailing over substance, the execution of specific projects (such as the MRT and 1 Malaysia email) and its apparently lofty, unrealistic targets.

We think these issues can be further debated, but these questions ultimately boil down to PEMANDU's raison d'être. PEMANDU is already a fait accompli. Debating its existence serves no useful purpose at this point.

Instead, we evaluate PEMANDU and the ETP on its own terms by looking at the goals, plans and targets outlined in the ETP Roadmap document. Doing so facilitates constructive debate as it uses the same framework which PEMANDU has chosen to work within.

In that vein, and in keeping with the spirit of the alphabet soup of NKEAs, NKRAs, SRIs, EPPs, GNI surrounding the entire GTP, we evaluate PEMANDU and the ETP on its DEEDS:

  1. Data transparency – the ease with which an independent analyst can evaluate the figures relevant to the ETP and its targets;

  2. Execution – the progress, or lack thereof, of announced EPPs (Entry Point Projects);

  3. Enterprise – whether the target of stimulating private investment is being achieved. The ETP aims for a 92:8 split between private and public investments;

  4. Distribution – the distribution of EPPs across the NKEAs (National Key Economic Areas), which shows whether a healthy balance of projects is being maintained; and

  5. Socio-economic impact – an evaluation of the main beneficiaries of the economic activities generated by the EPPs.

The story so far

Part 1, Let's evaluate PEMANDU on its DEEDS, introduced our evaluation framework.

Part 2, We won't really be twice as rich in 2020, found us declaring "It does not compute!" PEMANDU's target is to double nominal income per capita to RM48,000 by 2020. But using its forecasts for income and population growth, and inflation, the target should be RM54,145, not RM48,000. Can this 'roadmap to transformation' be trusted when the highly-paid PEMANDU team and its costly consultants cannot even get the basic math right?

Part 3(i), PEMANDU strengthens the 'know-who' cancer, focuses on the practice of taking credit for pre-existing projects and PEMANDU's role in cutting red tape. PEMANDU is institutionalising the role of middleman if it cuts red tape only for EPPs. If long-term policy changes are not made, Malaysian innovation, creativity and productivity will continue to lag. It does not matter how good your product or idea is, or how efficiently you can make it, it depends on who you know to get it through the system.

Part 3(ii), The hothouse labs probably killed innovation highlights that the tight timeframe of the lab process incentivised lab participants to favour incumbent companies with pre-existing business plans rather than start-ups with genuinely transformative ideas. Also, the labs would be dominated by incumbents striving to maintain their dominance. Start-ups would not have been able to afford to release staff just to attend the labs for 8 weeks.

Note on PEMANDU's response

Upon hearing that we were writing an evaluation of the ETP, the communications team at PEMANDU kindly arranged interviews with a Director from the Minister's Office who is also the Director of the Oil, Gas and Energy & Financial Services NKEAs, the Director of the Wholesale and Retail (W&R) NKEA and the Assistant Director of the Tourism NKEA. We are grateful for these interviews and will include clarification points from these interviews in our evaluation. These interviews were recorded by the ETP communications team and we hope that they would be made available online for public access.

About the authors

Visiting contributor Dr Ong Kian Ming holds a PhD in Political Science from Duke University and Economics degrees from the University of Cambridge and the London School of Economics. He is attached to UCSI University, which has been named as the project owner of two Entry Point Projects (EPPs). To avoid any potential conflict of interest, he will not make references to or analyse these two EPPs. He can be reached at im.ok.man@gmail.com.

REFSA (Research for Social Advancement) Executive Director Teh Chi-Chang holds a first class degree in Accounting & Financial Analysis from the University of Warwick, an MBA from the University of Cambridge and the CFA (Chartered Financial Analyst) charter. Prior to joining REFSA, he headed highly-regarded investment research teams covering Malaysia, and was himself highly-ranked as an analyst. He can be reached at chichang@refsa.org.

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This entry was posted on Friday, 10 February 2012, 5:10 pm and is filed under Economics. You can follow any responses to this entry through RSS 2.0.  

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‘Election reforms still not enough’

PETALING JAYA: The Election Commission (EC) has made some changes to the electoral process but NGOs say it is not enough.

In the last two months, the EC has been announcing a slew of changes. Many of these changes stem from the interim report of the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on electoral reforms tabled in Parliament in November last year.

One example is the much-contested issue of indelible ink which the EC said yesterday will be gazetted into law come Feb 15.

Other changes include early voting for the armed forces personnel. This exercise will include some 200,000 army and police officers.

The move is also seen to address the concerns of many parties who have claimed that postal votes have been abused in favour of the ruling government in the past.

However, many NGOs are not impressed by the EC's changes. Many of them labelled these changes as cosmetic, saying that the EC had a bigger task of winning back public confidence.

"Why should we give the EC credit? It took them 50 years to even propose these changes.We know that they are doing it because they feel the pressure from the people.

"The issue does not concern these reforms so much as it concerns the EC's legitimacy itself. People must have faith that the EC is not working for any party and that the government that is elected is done so in a free and fair manner, " said Wong Piang Yao of Tindak Malaysia.

Lack of confidence

Wong, who had participated in all six of PSC's public hearings, said that these suggestions were merely "cosmetic changes" and that the EC had to work twice as hard in order to gain public trust.

Referring to the use of indelible ink which was rejected at the eleventh hour in the 2008 election, Wong said that he was "cautious" with the EC's proposed reforms.

"It has to do with public confidence and the EC has very little at the moment based on past experience," he added.

He said there needs to be an automatic voter registration system in place, voting for overseas Malaysians and other issues to be addressed to achieve a fairer election process.

The lack of confidence in the EC also persists as there are many concerns regarding the new early voting system involving the armed forces.

The EC announced yesterday that political party observers were now allowed to observe the early voting process which allows for greater transparency.

Commenting on this, Mafrel secretary-general Shaharudin Othman said that it was a positive move by the EC . However, he raised many questions regarding the manner in which these early votes will be handled.

Many unanswered questions

"Having political observers present at camps is not new as they were also allowed to be present previously but there are many unanswered questions.

"Can the observers stay back with the ballot boxes to ensure that there is no hanky-panky? Will the ballots be counted immediately to prevent any doubts?" he asked.

Bersih steering committee member, Wong Chin Huat, raised similar concerns.

"You can have early voting for the armed forces, you may have political observers there, but what happens after the polling stations in the camp close?

"Who stays back to observe? What guarantee is there that the votes will not be tampered with?" he asked.

Responding to this, PAS member in the PSC, Hatta Ramli said that this new process would ensure some transparency.

Explaining the differences, he said that political observers were previously allowed into the voting areas for the armed forces.

"The difference was that the army men were given the ballot paper and they could take the paper out of the camp. After a designated period they would return the form in envelopes. Technically through this way, they could have someone else vote on their behalf,

"But through early voting it is exactly like ordinary voting. The vote is cast immediately.

"Now the political observer can check if each army man has voted, check his IC number and see if he is around the stated age," he said.

He also added that there will not be a break in the trail of the ballot as political observers are allowed to stay back with the ballot box.

"Now they can stay back with the ballot box to ensure that it is not tampered with.

"The ballots will be counted on election day itself. If early voting takes place three days in advance, then the political party representatives can stay back for three days and follow the ballot box to the counting station on polling day."

He said that this was conveyed by the EC during its meetings with PSC, adding that it was merely a suggestion made by the EC but voiced his hope that it will be implemented.

When asked why the ballot papers could not be counted immediately, DAP member of PSC Anthony Loke said that there was a consensus that it will not be done at the moment.

"From our discussion there are many pros and cons to it. You don't want the results to be revealed before election day itself as there may be a psychological effect on the voters or the party that is trailing.

"For now, it will be counted on election day."

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Kadir unapologetic over criticism of Umno

PETALING JAYA: Former Umno cabinet minister, Kadir Sheikh Fadzir, sees no wrongdoing in his recent revelations on Umno's "bad habits" and deems as unnecessary for those opinions to be investigated.

In past weeks Kadir had been dishing out startling insights into practices of bribery and corruption within Umno and called on the party to change in order to remain relevant.

At a media conference today however he said he was perplexed over the furore his statements have sparked as well as a report that the Umno Disciplinary Committee has been asked to investigate his statements.

"The opinions that I have expressed are only 10% of what Umno Youth and other party members in the 60's and 70's expressed," said Kadir, who is now the deputy president of Angkatan Amanah Merdeka (Amanah) NGO.

"Sometimes their criticism and opinions were very strong and bitter against the party leaders and government. But Umno and its leaders at that time faithfully stuck to the spirit of being a truly democratic party."

Kadir reminded Umno that as a previous Umno Youth Exco member he was also very vocal and while he was hauled up before the Disciplinary Committee, he was also given various opportunities to serve.

He asserted that members should therefore be allowed to express their opinion or even criticize the party where necessary for Umno to continue prospering as a truly democratic party.

"I have been holding a position in Umno since 1956 before the country achieved independence," Kadir stated. "I'm still holding a position in Umno and have been working for the party for the last 55 years."

"Surely I would have acquired some knowledge and experience and thereby earned a right to give a bit of opinion. And I'm confident these opinions are helpful in strengthening the party and its struggle."

Kadir pointed out that with Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, and other Umno leaders "shouting" about the need to "change or be changed", the questions that begged answering was who and what had to change.

He also reiterated his call for a stop to internal party corruption, the bribing of the rakyat to win elections and using the Chinese as a scapegoat for the failure to bring up the socio-economic position of the bumiputeras.

"I, therefore, urge the relevant parties to consider carefully all my opinions expressed," he said.

"If these are implemented, it will bring a lot of good for everybody both in the short term and also in the long term."

"To the Disciplinary Committee there is no need to investigate me because I will be sending them the full texts of the said interviews which are not edited in any way."

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Isu pasir: 2 Adun PKR tolak dakwaan RPK

PETALING JAYA: Dua ahli dewan negeri (Adun) Selangor dari PKR, Shuhaimi Shafiei (Sri Muda) dan Amiruddin Shari (Batu Caves) menolak dakwaan pengendali blog Malaysia Today Raja Petra Kamaruddin (RPK) bahawa mereka terlibat dalam skandal perlombongan pasir di negeri itu.

Mereka juga menafikan dakwaan bahawa Timbalan Presiden PKR Mohamad Azmin Ali turut terlibat dalam skandal ini dan sebaliknya menyifatkannya sebagai fitnah terbaru daripada blogger mesra Umno itu.

RPK dalam blognya semalam mendakwa dua Adun PKR itu terlibat dalam skandal perlombongan pasir dan mereka adalah ahli lembaga pengarah sebuah syarikat yang membuat permohonan untuk melombong pasir di Dengkil.

"RPK terkeliru di antara dua personaliti yang mempunyai nama yang sama iaitu Azmin Ali dan Azmin Mohd Karim iaitu pegawai di Pusat Khidmat saya," kata Shuhaimi dalam sidang media di ibu pejabat PKR di sini hari ini yang turut dihadiri rakan sejawatnya Amiruddin.

Shuhaimi mendakwa tulisan RPK yang turut menyentuh mengenai rakaman perbualan telefon antara lain menyebut beliau akan berbincang dengan individu dikenali sebagai Azmin hanyalah rekaan putar belit dialog yang diselang seli dengan perbuatan sebenar dan mungkin dirakam.

"Kami mengecam sekeras-kerasnya cubaan untuk mengaitkan fitnah ini dengan Azmin Ali kerana beliau langsung tidak terbabit dalam perkara ini. Beliau (Azmin Ali) tiada kena mengena dengan hal ini," tegasnya.

Shuhaimi menafikan sekeras-kerasnya dakwaan RPK kononnya syarikat Double Dignity (M) Sdn Bhd mendapat kontrak melombong pasir termasuk beberapa bayaran yang dibuat berhubung dengan perkara ini.

Syarikat tidak berdaftar dengan Kumpulan Semesta

RPK dalam tulisannya juga mendakwa, Shuhaimi beberapa kali meminta wang daripada seorang kontraktor antara 15 Ogos 2009 hingga 5 Januari 2010; di antaranya, RM5,000 untuk perbelanjaan kempen pilihan raya, RM35,000 perbelanjaan bulan Ramadhan, RM10,000 jamuan Hari Raya dan RM50,000 dimasukkan dalam akaun bank sebuah syarikat untuk kegunaan pilihan raya.

Menjelaskan pelbagai dakwaan itu, Shuhaimi berkata beliau mengenali Adnan yang juga pemilik Double Dignity sejak 2009 melalui pegawai peribadi seorang ahli parlimen di Perak.

Katanya, Double Dignity ditubuhkan sebagai sebuah syarikat yang menjalankan aktiviti perladangan kelapa sawit di Sabah malah beliau memberi persetujuan dilantik sebagai pengarah bermula Jun 2009.

"Saya tidak dimaklumkan oleh Double Dignity bahawa pelantikan saya sebagai ahli lembaga pengarah hanya disempurnakan pada 18 Januari 2010 seperti dalam rekod Suruhanjaya Syarikat Malaysia bertepatan tarikh 18 Januari 2010 dalam surat sokongan disiarkan Raja Petra," katanya.

Malah ujar beliau Double Dignity tidak pernah berdaftar dengan Kumpulan Semesta sehingga hari ini maka sebarang permohonan projek pembersihan pasir tidak timbul dan tidak benar.

Menyentuh mengenai wang RM50,000, Shuhaimi berkata ia adalah pinjaman yang diberi oleh Adnan kepada rakannya yang dikenali sebagai 'A' untuk membuka pusat Smartreader di Kota Damansara.

Beliau hanya bertindak menjadi orang tengah membantu rakan dikenali 'A' itu, malah ujarnya wang RM50,000 itu kini disimpan dalam akaun Azmin Mohd Karim memandangkan Adnan sehingga kini masih gagal ditemui.

Shuhaimi masih ahli lembaga


Walau bagaimanapun, Shuhaimi mengakui bahawa beliau masih ahli lembaga pengarah Double Dignity dengan menerima enam kali bayaran elaun sebanyak RM5,000 dari Jun hingga Disember 2009 manakala Amiruddin pula menerima tiga kali bayaran elaun untuk tempoh Oktober hingga Disember 2009.

Ketika diasak pertanyaan pemberita mengenai pengekalan jawatan sebagai ahli lembaga pengarah, Shuhaimi menjelaskan perkara itu perlu dibawa dalam mesyuarat syarikat.

Dalam pada itu, Amiruddin pula berkata beliau telah menyerahkan surat perletakan jawatan pada 18 Januari 2010 namun tiada sebarang jawapan berhubung hal tersebut.

Shuhaimi menjelaskan beliau dan Amiruddin telah memperjelaskan hal ini sejak 2010 lagi kepada Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM), malah individu yang terlibat juga dipanggil berhubung hal sama.

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