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"If Mukhriz Is In Charge, We Shall Do A Racial Cleansing Including Extermination Of All Non-Mamak Malays Like Bugis Because The World Should Be ...
UK royal wedding to be live streamed on YouTube

Palace officials will offer live streaming of the April 29 royal wedding between Prince William (left) and Kate Middleton on the royal channel on YouTube. -- PHOTO: AP
Contractor paid DAP for its advance, RCI told

MalaysiaKini -Teoh Beng Hock
Businessman Lee Wye Wing today told the royal commission of inquiry (RCI) on Teoh Beng Hock's death that DAP had paid contractors in advance out of its own funds, for works in the Seri Kembangan state constituency.
Lee (left, in light blue shirt) said that method of trade made things easier.It is a matter of convenience. It is easier for DAP to pay their supplier first (and when the state subsequently reimburses the contractor) the contractor pays back (DAP's initial payment to the party), he said.
He was responding to questions during cross-examination by Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) lawyer Muhammad Shafee Abdullah on four invoices extracted from Teoh's laptop.
Shafee asked if Lee would be able to produce receipts acknowledged by DAP Serdang Aman and DAP Malaysia on the claims.
Lee:The receipts are ! there, b ut it is with the accountant and it will take time to get (them).
At this point the panel's chief commissioner James Foong interrupted and ticked off Shafee, reminding him that only the commission can direct the witness to produce evidence.
If MACC wants it, they can use their powers to get it... we are not going to do their homework for them. You can put the question to Lee if he can produce the receipts, but that's about it, he said, demanding to know its relevance to their probe.
Shafee argued that the receipts are important to determine Teoh's state of mind during his time at MACC.
It would be a direct reason (as to) why Teoh was stressed that night - not only was he guilty; his boss and his entire party is involved in taking the government's money, said Shafee in defence.
Foong, however, shot back that it was a matter for the panel to decide.
However, the chief commissioner admitted he was also troubled by DAP's arrangement, and criticised the ruling Pakatan government for not being able to separate its parties from the government administration.
Echoing Foong on this, commissioner Abdul Kadir Sulaiman asked: Why did you (Lee) have to tap political parties' funds?
Lee replied again that it is easier for DAP to engage their known suppliers and for the contractors to reimburse the party the amount paid up front, as the land and district office would later approve the claims.
'Teoh unaware of Alibaba companies'
Shafee asked Lee if he knew that merely using the (different) company's name is a breach of regulation! s, in re lation to Class F contractors?Lee answered after a short pause that legally it is against the law.
The Selangor MACC has claimed they were investigating irregularities in the disbursement of state fund by Seri Kembangan assemblyperson Ean Yong Hian Wah and other state assemblypersons, when Teoh was taken in as a witness on July 15, 2009.
He was found dead the next day on the fifth floor service corridor of Plaza Masalam, where the then Selangor MACC office was located on the 14th floor.
It was previously noted that Teoh, a witness in MACC's probe, was suspected of drafting four incomplete invoices from the companies.
The companies mentioned were MKMN Enterprise, Syarikat Aris, Fizami Construction and MA Bina Melor Enterprise.
Abdul Kadir added that if Teoh had not known of how these companies worked then, he would have known by the time MACC questioned him.
Lee testified that he had bumped into Teoh at the MACC Selangor office (below) and chatted with him for about 15 minutes some time past midnight on July 16, 2009, hours before the latter's death.
The witness said Teoh spoke a few words, and that he seemed upset that the enforcement officer had confiscated his perso! nal lapt op.Lee added that Teoh looked bothered and seemed to be in deep thought, but did not appear to have been physically harmed before they parted ways.
Asked for his opinion on what could have been bothering Teoh, Lee said he could not tell for sure.
We were just doing it normally... It is a very natural process. Now that it comes out (when MACC investigated) and when people see it (out in the open) it doesn't look nice... not nice for DAP Serdang Aman to be involved, said Lee.
He then went on to explain that a couple of the companies engaged by his company were registered as WSK Services and Hong Chye Enterprise for several projects in 2008.
Lee, who was questioned in detail on the invoices, said that he had prepared the documents and emailed them to Teoh.
I prepared this based on the guidelines of the land (and district) office. Once I was done, I sent them to Teoh and asked him to verify with YB (Ean Yong) to see (whether) it is okay or not, Lee told panellist Bar Council lawyer Robert Lau.
For Fizami and Aris, the invoices were claims for work done, (and) for MKMN and Bina Melor, they were just a quotation before I could start work, he added.
The invoices were prepared by me... Even the spelling mistakes are mine. In fact, Teoh was the one who pointed it out to me but I don't know why the letterhead changed, said Lee.
He produced a copy of the finalised invoice to the commission on the questionable change of letterheads.
The inquiry resumes tomorrow with Lee as its witness.
Another RM50 mill flushed down into the toilet!
Sarawak: Masing may fill No 2 state cabinet post

MalaysiaKini - Sarawak
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Shuib: 'Tidak adil' jika didakwa sebar video
Salah seorang daripada trio 'Datuk T', Datuk Shuib Lazim berkata, mereka tidak berniat untuk menyebarkan video lucah yang didakwa melibatkan seorang tokoh utama pembangkang. Oleh sebab itu, Shuib menyifatkan sebarang tindakan yang mungkin dikenakan ke atas mereka sebagai "tidak adil" kerana mereka tidak sepatutnya didakwa atas tuduhan berkenaan."Kita rasa kita bukan dedah kepada orang ramai, kita cuma tunjuk kepada pemberita. Pemberita yang akan jadi saksi (dalam kes tayangan video berkenaan).
"Tak adil... Kalau betul kita nak sebarkan, kita boleh buat 10,000 salinan. Itu barulah boleh kata sebar (bahan lucah).
"Tapi kalau polis kata kita salah, kita tanggunglah," kata Shuib lagi ketika dihubungi Malaysiakini hari ini.
Beliau berkata demikian ketika diminta mengulas satu kenyataan polis semalam yang menyatakan bahawa trio berkenaan mungkin dikenakan tindakan kerana kesalahan mengedar dan menayang video seks tersebut.
'Tunjuk semua, biar terang'Dalam pada itu, beliau turut mengesahkan bahawa satu video pendek yang tersebar di Internet sejak awal bulan ini merupakan sebahagian daripada video penuh sepanjang 22 minit. Shuib bagaimanapun berkata, beliau tidak tahu bagaimana video berkenaan boleh tersebar di Internet memandangkan rakaman asal dan serta satu salinannya telah diserahkan kepada polis.
"Ada satu (rakaman) asal, ada satu salinan. Semuanya polis telah ambil, kesemuanya sekali. Sebab itulah tak ! sepatutn ya bocor.
"Buat apa tunjuk sikit sangat? Sepatutnya tunjukkan semua terang-terang. Tak payahlah tunjuk sikit-sikit," katanya secara berseloroh.
Namun, Shuib turut mengakui bahawa beliau turut berasa terkejut apabila mengetahui bahawa video pendek itu telah berlegar di Internet. Jelasnya, beliau tidak tahu menahu mengenai tulisan dalam bahasa Thai yang tertera di imej video pendek tersebut.
"Semuanya buat di sini," katanya lagi yang turut menafikan spekulasi bahawa video berkenaan mungkin dirakam di negara berkenaan.
Dalam pada itu, beliau turut menggesa supaya pihak polis membuat pemeriksaan DNA ke atas seutas jam tangan yang dikatakan telah diambil daripada lokasi penggambaran berkenaan.
"Sepatutnya (polis) buat (ujian) DNA sebab dekat situ mungkin ada daki (pelaku seks tersebut," tegasnya.
Jam tangan berkenaan juga telah diserahkan kepada polis, katanya lagi. Video lucah versi penuh itu ditayangkan kepada sekumpulan wartawan oleh Shuib dan dua lagi individu bekas ketua menteri Melaka, Tan Sri Rahim Thamby Chik dan juga seorang usahawan, Datuk Shazryl Eskay Abdullah.
Selain tayangan pada 21 Mac kepada sekumpulan wartawan yang diadakan di sebuah hotel ternama, video berkenaan juga telah ditunjukkan kepada beberapa orang individu berkepentingan.
Timbalan pengarah jabatan siasatan jenayah Datuk Acryl Sani Abdullah Sani semalam dilaporkan berkata, individu terbabit mungkin dikenakan tindakan memandangkan siasatan mengikut Sekyen 292 Akta Kanun Keseksaan itu menjurus kepada pihak yang menayangkan video berkenaan.
source:malaysiakini
Shuib decries potential sex-tape charge
Masa nak sebar dan fitnah orang tak pikiaq habis2. Itu pun awak bernasib baik kerana polis tak bertindak dengan serta merta,kerana awak adalah orang UMNO. Kalulah orang lain dah lama polis cekup.
Pasal klip video yang tersebar di internet pula, mugkin itulah versi! asal ya ng dibikin di Thailand. Apa yang geng datuk T buat ialah edit video tersebut kerana pelakon utamanya mirip Anwar serta menggunakan klip tersebut untuk tabur fitnah.
Pasal jam pula,apa kena mengena dengan klip video? Apa bukti yang jam tersebut milik si pelakon mirip rupa Anwar? Kalu di dalam video tersebut ada menunjukkan bahawa pelakon sedang memakai jam atau ada bab di mana sibetina itu sedang membelek2 jam bolehlah dikaitkan dengan video tersebut.
Mana tahu Eskay ini curi jam omega Anwar dan cuba perkena Anwar? Yang pelik,jam omega itu pula dijumpa bersama2 dengan kad warentinya. Pernahkah awak pakai jam dan bawa kad warenti bersama ke mana saja awak pergi? Pelek bin ajaib!
Soal kerjasama dengan syarikat omega adalah soal lain. Syarikat2 besar ini tak akan maklum maklumat2 peribadi individu demi menjaga kliennya. Atau mungkin jam omega itu dibeli di Petaling Street dan kad warenti itu pula palsu, sapa tahu.....
cheers.
Three angles to the Sarawak election results
Huge crowd attending ceramah does not mean huge support nor guarantee of getting their votes. The 10th Sarawak state election has turned into something that the country cannot be proud of. The craze to remain in power has lead to all kinds of dirty tactics including breaking the law of harassing, corruptions and promises made that do not guarantee of fulfillment. The heart of the nation has to stop with the PM and the whole cabinet ministers and elected representatives ordered to go on the campaigning trail.
Projects costing millions being promised, instant fund allocation to schools, churches and free goodies, free food are aplenty coupled with entertainment.
The ruling government keeps on harping that they are the only party that can help developed the state and no one else. The state has seen so much development and progress thanks to the ruling government. The big question, is it true?
Why all these commotions with the PM himself leading the charge if what they claim were true. They should have no worries of losing power if they were true, isn't it?
If I am a Sarawakian I would ask, why all these promises, 'instant mee' type of arrangement and care only during state election but after the election, everyone leaves and Sarawakians will be forgotten again until the next state election.
After reading through all the reports from both sides over the past 8 days the election results can be formed from 3 angles.
1) 50 % of Sarawakians have one way or another came to know about what is really happening to their state. The other half does not know and living their usual life, ignorant of what is happening to the outside world and some may not even be bothered at all. Waves are forming calling for change and with the opposition working very hard to convince the ignorant group there is a possibility that the opposition might wrest power. The possibility is there for the opposition to take power with a simple majority and it depends on whether they can break! the thi rd angle (read below).
2) Even though there are waves calling for change, some may not have the confident to trust a new government. They are used to their type of living for over 40 years and would not like to rock the boat. The younger generation will leave for greener pasture elsewhere and may not even return. If this is the attitude, the opposition may not wrest power but got the chance to deny the ruling government the two third majority.
3) The ruling government knew the wrongs that they have committed and that the rakyat are very angry. But they also know how to tackle the situation. They know that those living in rural areas including many locations that are totally disconnected from others are more easier to pacify. Moreover many have known only one party that have ruled over them for over 40 years. They are in control over these areas which constitute about 30% of the seats.
They are putting more effort on the semi rural areas where the chances of winning is 50 - 50. With their might and in control of everything from ec, pdrm and hard core supporters, they are throwing funds here and there without us knowing where these funds came from. For over 40 years they cannot find funds for development but out of the blue in this election, millions are pouring in.
The urban areas are tough but throwing money around sometimes can still sway the rakyat. Other then money and free goodies, they can threaten, instigate, provoke, talk tough along racial and religious lines and worst, lying through their teeth.
With such a mass onslaught by the rich and powerful ruling government, the opposition should just be happy to retain their seats and maybe some consolation of adding a few more seats.
Will Sarawakians be so easily bought, instigated, threaten or provoke and believe in their lies, the answer will be known by midnight on the 16th April 2011.
RM50 Million for 1Malaysia email project

MalaysiaKini - Najib's Cronies l Idiot
RM50 million will be invested by local IT player Tricubes Berhad into the 1Malaysia Email Project to provide email accounts for official purposes to all Malaysians aged 18 and above.
The project, said Prime Minister Najib Razak, in announcing it at the Putrajaya International Convention Centre in Putrajaya today, will allow direct and secure communication between Malaysian citizens and the government.
Its purpose, he added, is also to enhance the delivery of government services to consumers and businesses alike.
Asked if the project will conflict with existing government e-government sites and services like MyEG, Tricubes said that the project differs from the existing initiatives.
"We will focus on delivery of notices and bills, MYEG is about online payment," said CEO Khairun Zainal Mokhtar to reporters in a press conference after the announcement.
However the description of the project in handouts distributed during the event, said that the 1Malaysia email and portal will be a "one-stop centre for government services, providing value-added services such as social networking, checking bills online and payment."
He also said that his company will own the portal and email infrastructure once it is completed sometime in July this year.
However the CEO fail to address a question by a reporter on how will the company recoup returns from the millions of ringgit in project investment.
It was also not apparent how having an email system as an Entry Point Project (EPP) will help to driv! e Malays ia's transformation to a high income nation.
Tricubes is also one of the companies that were involved in the project to to supply MyKads and biometric passports to Malaysians.
The project is one of seven new initiatives and five revisited endeavours that are part of 12 Entry Point Projects announced by Najib today.
Other projects announced were:
1) Asia Media RM500 million Digital LiveTransit-TV Broadcasting infrastructure.
2) Karambunai Corp Bhd-led consortium's RM9.6 billion Karambunai Integrated Resort City(KIRC).
3) International Islamic University Malaysia(IIUM) RM3.17 million initiative to develop and position Malaysia as the world's leading Islamic finance education hub.
4) Infineon Technologies RM480 million expansion and upgrade to its production capacity, research and development and manufacturing facilities in Malacca.
5) Pensonic Holdings Sdn Bhd's RM250 million electrical home appliances manufacturing hub and international distribution network in Penang.
6) RM45 million Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) infrastructure for security and automation of paperless Royal Malaysian Customs checkpoints.
7) Myled Master Sdn Bhd RM175 million expansion to their manufacturing capability in LED lighting.
8) Federal Agriculture Marketing Authority (Fama) RM30 million "Pasar Komuniti" initiative (Pakar) to co-ordinate and amalgamate day and night markets in locations with better facilities.
9) RM3.261 government baseline study on e-counter services and paperless government.
Quizzed how the companies came to be awarded the projects, Performance Management Delivery Unit (Pemandu) CEO, Idris Jala (left), who was also at the ! press co nference said that it was a mixed bag."For the government projects like 1Malaysia Email Project, there was open bidding and Tricubes won the award.
"Other projects like the Karambunai Integrated Resort City, are private projects that the company itself wanted to do. Our (government's) role is to facilitate approvals," said Idris.
This is the fifth progress report that Najib has announced of the 131 projects planned for the ETP.
Najib's younger brother Nazim says: "Amal jariah (charity)". Hello, are you sure??

MalaysiaKini - Najib's Cronies
Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak's younger brother Nazim's architecture firm has denied that there is a conflict of interest in their involvement in the redevelopment of Kampung Baru mosque, as their architectural services are being provided for free.
Muhd Syafeeq Subhi, the architect for the firm NRY Architects , told Malaysiakini by email today that the mosque management committee had appointed them to provide voluntary architectural services for the project.
"There is no conflict as we are providing voluntary services as announced by the Prime Minister and by the mosque management committee chairperson during the cheque handing over ceremony," he said.
Muhd Syafeeq was responding to the question by Malaysian Youth Solidarity's (SAMM) chief Badrul Hisham Shaharin on whether there was conflict of interest for Najib to grant the redevelopment project to a company owned by his brother, who is also the deputy chairperson of the mosque management committee.
On Feb 5, Najib announced that the government-owned 1Malaysia Development Berhad would contribute RM20 million to redevelop the mosque within next six months.
Muhd Syafeeq pointed out that the company has provided numerous such services over the last eight years for the mosque, including the development of the arch and pavilion at the front entrance.
"Recently we provided services for the minaret. All the services were voluntary and done on!
As such because of our experience, the committee engaged us again and we continue to provide the voluntary services for the mosque," said Muhd Syafeeq in the email.
It is unclear which company has received the RM20 million allocation to undertake the redevelopment project.
Click here for other Barisan Nasional Corruption
'Digital tsunami' in the making: Sarawak in the cold light of day

MalaysiaKini -Neil Khorl Analysis l Sarawak
The dust has settled after the Sarawak election. The BN has retained its two-thirds majority in the state legislature, although it won only 55 percent of the popular vote. This is a major setback because Sarawak used to be a BN fortress.
Resource rich and practically a country unto itself, Sarawak had consistently rebuffed attempts by Peninsular Malaysian political parties eager to gain a foothold in the state. However, the fortress was breached in this election when some 40 percent of Sarawakians decided to align themselves with Pakatan Rakyat.
Of special significance is the dramatic and strong showing by the DAP, which won nearly all the urban constituencies. It even won in mixed seats, a good indication that the trend in the peninsula is able to cross the South China Sea.
Although PKR onl
y won three seats of the 49 it contested, its haul of votes is impressive. Without the resources that the BN commanded and commandeered, PKR was able to reach into the rural heartland quite effectively. If this trend continues, the next five years will mark the beginning of the change promised in the Land of the Hornbill.Whilst political commentators have said that the ris! e of opp osition politics in the cities demonstrate ethnic divisions, there is more than meets the eye. If we were to map out all the by-elections that have now thankfully come to an end - plus the general voting trend in the 2008 general election - there is little doubt that the BN is fast losing ground in all urban constituencies.
This is not just because the opposition has put up candidates who are more qualified and representative of the aspirations of the urban voters, but because dissatisfaction with the government is strongest in urban areas.
Since 1957, towns and cities have been associated with non-Malays. Whether it is the trading and later, the industrial society, Malays have consistently been portrayed to be living at the edge of the city. By extension, it is also projected through works of fiction that Malays are peripheral to national growth centred in towns and cities.
What is not so obvious is that, since Independence, the number of Malays who have migrated to the cities has been quite dramatic. This writer is quite sure that the latest census figures when released will reveal that Malays now make up the majority of the population in most towns and cities.
If the BN has ethnic-based parties looking after the interests of each ethnic group, why is it that its candidates have been consistently rejected in urban areas? While in the rural setting, where the politics of patronage still hold sway although significantly challenged, urban communities are increasingly independent and demand accountability.There may be a significant number of urban voters who depend on government jobs but the majority! does no t. Moreover, the Malays living in cities have entered the middle class, defined as financially stable and earning enough to organise themselves around issues they consider important to their future.
One good example is Page, the lobby group fighting for the reinstatement of a controversial government policy designed to teach Math and Science in English. This is not only confined to the middle classes. Hindraf and Bersih have managed to attract the urban poor and those who feel disenfranchised by government policies.
'Digital tsunami' in the making
More worrying for the government is the power of social networking where people can organise themselves around issues quite easily. They may not have all the facts but it only needs a spark to get a virtual rally going. Although there are clear limitations to online campaigns, the number of issues that can be made into causes are limitless.
While things seem to be quiet on the surface and Malaysians do not think that street demonstrations resolve anything, there is now a 'digital tsunami' that is slowly but surely turning many to vote for anything but the BN.The Youth wings of BN component parties, led by Umno's Khairy Jamaluddin, are putting up a str! ong and constructive front but ultimately it is the sins of the 'fathers' that are dragging the BN down. Even if some actions are not condoned by the top leadership, the coalition is discredited. For example, few support the 'Datuk T' but most blame Umno for what they have done.
It has not just been political parties that have crossed into Sarawak but issues associated with urban living as well. By 2020, it is estimated that some 70 percent of Malaysians in Peninsular Malaysia will be living in towns and cities.
The political challenge, like the economic and social ones, will be centred in cities. Not only will an overwhelming number of citizens be living in cities but the rate of urbanisation will be faster than ever before.
Dramatic urban growth is piling on greater strain upon our infrastructure and natural resources. We cannot attract the right kind of talent into local government; the civil servants now in service are already overwhelmed by the complexity and volume of problems faced by citizens.
If we are a dissatisfied lot, it is because everything experienced in the city is more dramatic. Parents become more anxious about the future of their children and start sending them for tuition at the age of five! We also face a demographic time-bomb with a huge youthful population that will have to work so much harder to compete for limited jobs.
Eventually, even the affirmative action policy may not be enough to cover the bumiputera community, giving rise to sharper and more painful exclusionary policies. This trend usually results in a backlash against the government of the day. Even if Pakatan is able to win the next general election and form the government, it too will have to face the urban problem.
Sarawak has shown that, even in Borneo, the urban problem - characterised by local dissatisfaction with services, the perceived lack of opportunities, and greater awareness of national issues - has crossed the South China Sea.
While the ethnic dimension may still hold water in the rural areas, the urban problem will determine the shape and nature of future politics. The BN has won the battle, but Pakatan is out to win the war.
NEIL KHOR completed his PhD at Cambridge University and now writes occasionally on matters that he thinks requires better historical treatment. He is quietly optimistic about Malaysia's future.
Post Election Analysis : Urban bumiputras also swing to opposition
MalaysiaKini - Analysis l Pakatan
ANALYSISBeside a huge swing of nearly 40 percent of Chinese voters to Pakatan, a smaller number of urban or suburban bumiputra voters has turned to the opposition coalition, which made SUPP almost lost all three state seats in Miri three days ago.
However, the magnitude of the swing is hard to estimate, given the fact that there is no single area in Miri with a super majority of bumiputra voters.
The best example which showed there is some swing to Pakatan among the bumiputra community is Senadin, which is located on the outskirts of Miri.Despite the fact that the seat has a mixture of 49.98 percent Chinese, 28.97 percent Malay or Melanau and 15.88 percent Iban, PKR candidate Michael Teo was still able to slash the majority of SUPP incumbent Lee Kim Sin from 4,799 votes in the 2006 state election to just 58 votes.
If not for the controversial postal votes that amounted to around 1,000, SUPP would definitely have lost Senadin, and been totally wiped out from Sarawak's second largest city.
In a further analysis into the results at Senadin's polling districts,Malaysiakinihas also found that PKR almost won at Kuala Baram despite the constituency having only 37.19 percent of Chinese, who are largely pro-opposition.There are 31.35 percent Malay or Melanau and 24.46 percent Iban in Kuala Baram, but PKR still managed to get 47.25 percent of votes, showing that the multiracial party also got significant support from the bumiputra community in this election.
Beside Senadin, two other state seats - Piasau and Pujut under the Miri parliamentary seat - also showed a similar trend and the Iban swing was more obvious.
Within Piasau's Lutong polling district, which has the highest number of Iban voters (40.63 percent), DAP's popularity has increased tremendously to 56.73 percent, a jump of 23.06 percent from 33.67 percent in the last state election.
Surge in DAP's popularity
Another clear example of the swing is from Lambir, a bumiputra mixed state seat under the Sibuti parliamentary seat, which is close to Miri. Miri International Airport is located in the constituency.
The seat has a majority of bumiputra voters, with 39.3 percent Malay or Melanau and 29.7 percent Iban, but PKR still successfully increased their votes fro! m 1,497 in the last election to 3,104 this year, and the majority was also reduced from 2,834 to 1,521, despite the fact that another opposition party, Snap, has split away 93 votes.
In terms of percentage, the popularity of PBB, which contested under the BN logo, has reduced from 74.31 percent to 54.98 percent, a sharp drop of nearly 20 percent.
The swing among urban or suburban bumiputras is believed to be largely due to the fact that they also faced the same inflationary pressure faced by Chinese urban voters.
In fact, the urban bumiputra community will face more perils because most of them belong to the low income group, staying in squatters' residences beside the beach or in low-cost housing areas in the suburbs.
In addition, thousands of bumiputras, especially Ibans, staying in squatter areas like Canada Hill, Pujut Corner and Kampung Wireless were also relocated to give way to development projects, causing them to feel dissatisfied with the state government.
In contrast to those in rural areas, this group of urban bumiputra voters have more access to information in seeking a political
alternative. In fact, one of the ceramah held by PKR on the outskirts of Miri before polling day had attracted around 500 bumiputra voters to listen to leaders like PKR deputy president Azmin Ali (centre in picture).When one of the leaders asked, Who is the biggest vacuum cleaner in the state?, the crowd simultaneously shouted, Taib, showing their dissatisfaction against Sarawak Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud and his government! who fac e a series of corruption allegations.
Protest vote against Taib
Meanwhile, the Chinese community in Miri has seen a bigger swing to the opposition, which is as large as 38.22 percent in some areas, that caused the fall of SUPP president George Chan to DAP novice Ling Sie Kiong in Piasau.
According to the election results, DAP has won at least 66 percent of the Chinese votes in Miri, which is largely a protest vote against Taib and the BN state government.
This is evident in DAP's victory in two Piasau polling districts with 90 percent Chinese voters - Bazaar and Merbau. During the last election, DAP only gained 28.7 percent and 29 percent in the respective areas, but their popularity has jumped to 66.59 percent and 67.22 percent.
In Pujut, there is also a polling station with 90 percent Chinese voters - Krokop - and DAP's popularity has increased sharply from 46.2 percent to 72.02 percent.
This has sounded the alarm bells for SUPP, who claim to represent the Sarawak Chinese community within the BN coalition, as the party was only able to attract less than 33 percent of the Chinese votes.Another peril the party faces is that they are getting less support in those streams with younger voters.
Before the state election, Miri had been seen as the last fortress of SUPP after the fall of Kuching in the last state election and Sibu in last year's parliamentary by-election to the opposition.
However, this was not surprising since opposition ceramah! s in Mir i after nomination day have constantly attracted crowds of thousands, evidence of the strong anti-Taib and anti-SUPP sentiment.
Although the Chinese-based SUPP had called on the Chinese community to defend George Chan as deputy chief minister and warned voters about the loss of a Chinese representative in government during the last stages of the campaign, this was still not able to swing the votes back to BN.
ANALYSES:
The myths of S'wak polls results. Click here
The myths of S'wak polls results.....
The dust has begun to settle on the 10th Sarawak polls with the BN touting its retention of the two-thirds majority as a victory, while Pakatan Rakyat points to the more than doubling of its seats. This was the most competitive state election in Sarawak's history and was hard fought by both sides. BN, led by Prime Minister Najib Razak essentially camped in the state for 10 days to assure the two-thirds, while the opposition also focused is national machinery in Sarawak, bringing in the top guns from Peninsular Malaysia and thousands of party workers.A closer look at the results show that the opposition has made impressive ground, despite its failure to break the two-thirds threshold. Sarawak is no longer BN's fixed deposit, and trends in mobilisation and support suggest that it is even more likely not to be so unless Sarawak BN radically changes how it governs.

Myth of Chinese-only swing
The spin on this election reflects a similar tone of 2006, focusing on the gains in urban seats and Chinese voters. The implicit threat in Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud's statement that the Chinese will pay for their lack of loyalty highlights the perception that the losses are the product of continued Chinese support for the opposition. In terms of sheer number of voters for the opposition, this is correct. In all the Chinese-majority seats - from Padungan to Bukit Assek - the level of su! pport fo r the opposition increased, both in number of votes and share of the vote.
This reflected the dynamic - almost electrifying - opposition campaign in the urban areas, especially in Miri where voters experienced the political awakening that their counterparts in Kuching had experienced in 2006, and in Sibu at the 2010 by-election. No question about it, a growing number of Chinese supported the opposition in Sarawak. The interesting finding from the results, however, is that they are not alone, and in fact the Chinese swing toward the opposition is comparatively less (yes, less) than the changes within other communities.
By comparing the 2011 results with those of 2006, I trace the changes in voter turnout and share of support (percentage of majority among voters who turned out to vote) for the opposition at the seat level and, when appropriate and with available data, the polling stream level. The preliminary findings highlight that the movement is greatest in mixed constituencies, and significant movement occurred across the ethnic communities, even the Malays.
Let's begin with the mobilisation of voters across ethnicities. The 2011 polls show an impressive increase in voter turnout, in keeping with the increased competitiveness of the election. The greatest turnout increase was among the Malays, where the PBB machinery was well-honed, as more voters were brought to the polls, followed by increased participation of Chinese and Iban voters.
What this impressive increase in mobilisation across groups reveals is that Sarawakians recognised their power as voters and came out to vote in an unprecedented manner. This highlights the growing appreciation of political power in Sarawak and engagement with politics, which is in keeping with the unprecedented crowds at ceramah across the state, even in the rural areas.

The table (above) also highlights that the change in voting across the ethnic communities. The greatest movement compared to 2006 was in mixed seats, followed by movement in the Orang Ulu community in places such as Ba'Kelalan (where Baru Bian won his seat) but also places such as Telang Usan. The share of movement in Orang Ulu-majority seats is large, a 20% swing. These numbers can be a bit deceiving in that the actual numbers of voters in Sarawak are small and 20% can reflect a small number of voters in the small constituencies, yet nevertheless, the swing is significant.
Ibans and Bidayuhs too change loyalities
Why then, given the swing, did the seats not move into opposition hands? The reason is simple - before 2011 opposition support in some of these areas was minuscule. In many constituencies, the opposition needed more than a 40% change to win. Yet there has been a very large swing, which is much larger than the swing in Peninsular Malaysia in 2008.
From my perspective, the most interesting ethnic changes occurred in the Malay/Melanau, Iban and Bidayuh areas. A look at the seat tally suggests that Malays are squarely in the BN camp. The PBB won all 35 of its seats and PAS failed to win a single seat, even in the close contest of Beting Maro.
The Malay/Melanau seats are interesting in a number of ways. First, the pattern towards the opposition varies, with a few of the seats moving even more strongly toward the BN, such as Sadong Jaya, and as such, the pattern is uneven. Yet the Malay/Melanau ground was more competitive with more straight fights and more contests, such as in Daro and Dalat. PAS, in particular, made inroads. To suggest that the Malay/Melanau community is firmly behind the BN is wrong. Their support is changing as well, in spite of the ethnic campaigning and use of the racial card.
The Iban and Bidayuh majority seats also followed the pattern of opposition gains. In Iban areas, there was less movement in the share of the vote and like the Malay/Melanau seats the pattern was not consistent across seats toward the opposition, with some increased support towards the BN in Engkilili, but overall, the Iban have also changed loyalties.

As is shown in this table (above), this occurred most starkly in semi-rural areas. The Bidayuh seats were seen to be those that would have determined whether the opposition broke the two-thirds or not. Pakatan hoped to pick up at least three of these Bidayuh seats, as sentiment on the ground toward the BN had shifted due to the religious issues and persistent exclusion of this group from economic benefits.
Higher education among the Bidayuh had increased awareness and exposure to political issues. The opposition failed to win a single seat, but here too the gains in the share of majority were impressive - an estimated 17.9% swing. The bottom line is that the view that this election was the product of a bifurcated pattern of support - Chinese with the opposition and other groups with the BN - is wrong. Every group expressed serious concerns with the BN, and this was driven primarily with angst toward the long tenure and perceived excesses of the chief minister.
The urban voters myth
It is thus not surprising that given the changes across the board across ethnic communities, another myth needs to be shattered, namely that the opposition support is only in the urban areas. Much has been made that the opposition won two very rural seats, Ba'kelalan and Krian. Yet, the most significant gains in terms of sea! ts were in the semi-rural areas - for example, Batu Kawah, Dudong, Piasau (which has a large semi-rural area). The close fight in Senadin is also illustrative.
My preliminary analysis at the seat level shows that the gains in semi-rural seats were more than in the other areas, 19.7% compared to 14.8% in the rural areas and 13.4% in the urban communities. The 'safe' seats in the urban periphery are no longer 'safe'. The change in voting pattern reflected not just Chinese support for Pakatan, but Iban and Bidayuh support as well. In fact, what is especially interesting is that the movement in support in rural areas is more than the share in urban areas (although it is important to note that the urban areas have more voters).
More than anything, these findings point illustrate how much the 'fixed deposit' is no longer secure. Semi-rural and rural cracks in BN support are part of the new Sarawak, a more competitive polity that has become increasingly receptive to a stronger two-party system and critical of BN governance, especially in the areas of corruption.

The growing youth revolution
The election of young candidates in the opposition in some cases fresh out to university may come as a surprise to some, but it highlights the final important dynamic in this election, the massive movement among young voters away from the BN. Drawing from the study of 'saluran' results in seven seats so far, from the Miri, Kuching and Bidayuh areas (semi-rural and urban seats), the findings suggest that a youth revolt has occurred. In the lower polling streams, where new voters are concentrated, more than 70% of voters opposed the BN. Given the largely young crow! ds at ra llies, especially in Kuching and Miri, this is no surprise.
We see two pattern - higher mobilisation of younger voters, an estimated 16% increase in turnout compared to older voters, and an overwhelming level of support for Pakatan among younger voters in the lower streams, with a change in trend of over 25%. In 2006, there was already stronger support for the opposition among the youth, but this appears to have significantly increased.
When one considers the high number of younger voters that did not register, estimated in the 100,000s in Sarawak, and the large number of younger voters working outstation, these results should be quite worrying for the BN indeed. The fact that the election came before Gawai (harvest festival) is also important as it is likely that when younger voters returned home possibly further movement from the BN could have occurred.
Many a younger voter in my exit interviews highlighted the fact that they convinced their parents (and grandparents) to change support. The youthful composition of voting this election compared to 2006 shows that indeed a revolution among younger voters has occurred in Sarawak.

Rise of a new Sarawak
These results are preliminary and need to further confirmed with the official results at the 'saluran' (polling stream) level. This analysis is drawn from the newspaper publication of results and 'saluran' results that have been made available immediately after the polls, so the numbers should be seen as indicators of trends rather than absolutes.
These findings collectively show that there is indeed a new Sarawak, that voters across races, across geographic areas and especially the state's future are no longer supporting the BN to the same de! gree. span>While the two-thirds may not have been broken, profound political change did come to Sarawak.
It remains to be seen whether the opposition can continue to the momentum or the BN will address the root causes of the discontent, but irrespective of this, Sarawak remains critical for the political direction of the country - now more than ever. - Bridget Welsh
source:malaysiakini
cheers.
Analysis : The myths of Sarawak polls results
The dust has begun to settle on the 10th Sarawak polls with the BN touting its retention of the two-thirds majority as a victory, while Pakatan Rakyat points to the more than doubling of its seats. This was the most competitive state election in Sarawak's history and was hard fought by both sides.
BN, led by Prime Minister Najib Razak essentially camped in the state for 10 days to assure the two-thirds, while the opposition also focused is national machinery in Sarawak, bringing in the top guns from Peninsular Malaysia and thousands of party workers.
A closer look at the results show that the opposition has made impressive ground, despite its failure to break the two-thirds threshold. Sarawak is no longer BN's fixed deposit, and trends in mobilisation and support suggest that it is even more likely not to be so unless Sarawak BN radically changes how it governs.
Myth of Chinese-only swing
The spin on this election reflects a similar tone of 2006, focusing on the gains in urban seats and Chinese voters. The implicit threat in Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud's statement that the Chinese will pay for their lack of loyalty highlights the perception that the losses are the product of continued Chinese support for the opposition.
In terms of sheer number of voters for the opposition, this is correct. In all the Chinese-majority seats - fromPadungantoBukit Assek- the level of support for the opposition increased, both in number of votes and share of the vote.
This reflected the dynamic - almost electrifying - opposition campaign in the urban areas, especially in Miri where voters experienced the political awakening that their counterparts in Kuching had experienced in 2006, and in Sibu at the 2010 by-election.
No question about it, a growing number of Chinese supported the opposition in Sarawak. The interesting finding from the results, however, is that they are not alone, and in fact the Chinese swing toward the opposition is comparatively less (yes, less) than the changes within other communities.
By comparing the 2011 results with those of 2006, I trace the changes in voter turnout and share of support (percentage of majority among voters who turned out to vote) for the opposition at the seat level and, when appropriate and with available data, the polling stream level.
The preliminary findings highlight that the movement is greatest in mixed constituencies, and significant movement occurred across the ethnic communities, even the Malays.
Let's begin with the mobilisation of voters across ethnicities. The 2011 polls show an impressive increase in voter turnout, in keeping with the increased competitiveness of the election. The greatest turnout increase was among the Malays, where the PBB machinery was well-honed, as more voters were brought to the polls, followed by increased participation of Chinese and Iban voters.
What this impressive increase in mobilisation across groups reveals is that Sarawakians recognised their power as voters and ! came out to vote in an unprecedented manner. This highlights the growing appreciation of political power in Sarawak and engagement with politics, which is in keeping with the unprecedented crowds at ceramah across the state, even in the rural areas.
The table (left) also highlights that the change in voting across the ethnic communities. The greatest movement compared to 2006 was in mixed seats, followed by movement in the Orang Ulu community in places such asBa'Kelalan(where Baru Bian won his seat) but also places such asTelang Usan.
The share of movement in Orang Ulu-majority seats is large, a 20% swing. These numbers can be a bit deceiving in that the actual numbers of voters in Sarawak are small and 20% can reflect a small number of voters in the small constituencies, yet nevertheless, the swing is significant.
Ibans and Bidayuhs too change loyalities
Why then, given the swing, did the seats not move into opposition hands? The reason is simple - before 2011 opposition support in some of these areas was minuscule. In many constituencies, the opposition needed more than a 40% change to win. Yet there has been a very large swing, which is much larger than the swing in Peninsular Malaysia in 2008.
From my perspective, the most interesting ethnic changes occurred in the Malay/Melanau, Iban and Bidayuh areas. A look at the seat tally suggests that Malays are squarely in the BN camp. The PBB won all 35 of its seats and PAS failed to win a single seat, even in the close contest ofBeting Maro.
The Malay/Melanau seats are interesting in a number of ways. First, the pattern towards the opposition ! varies, with a few of the seats moving even more strongly toward the BN, such asSadong Jaya, and as such, the pattern is uneven.
Yet the Malay/Melanau ground was more competitive with more straight fights and more contests, such as inDaroandDalat. PAS, in particular, made inroads. To suggest that the Malay/Melanau community is firmly behind the BN is wrong. Their support is changing as well, in spite of the ethnic campaigning and use of the racial card.
The Iban and Bidayuh majority seats also followed the pattern of opposition gains. In Iban areas, there was less movement in the share of the vote and like the Malay/Melanau seats the pattern was not consistent across seats toward the opposition, with some increased support towards the BN inEngkilili, but overall, the Iban have also changed loyalties.
As is shown in this table (right), this occurred most starkly in semi-rural areas.
The Bidayuh seats were seen to be those that would have determined whether the opposition broke the two-thirds or not. Pakatan hoped to pick up at least three of these Bidayuh seats, as sentiment on the ground toward the BN had shifted due to the religious issues and persistent exclusion of this group from economic benefits.
Higher education among the Bidayuh had increased awareness and exposure to political issues. The opposition failed to win a single seat, but here too the gains in the share of majority were impressive - an estimated 17.9% swing.
The bottom line is that the view that this election was the product of a bifurcated pattern of support - Chinese with the opposition an! d other groups with the BN - is wrong. Every group expressed serious concerns with the BN, and this was driven primarily with angst toward the long tenure and perceived excesses of the chief minister.
The urban voters myth
It is thus not surprising that given the changes across the board across ethnic communities, another myth needs to be shattered, namely that the opposition support is only in the urban areas.
Much has been made that the opposition won two very rural seats,Ba'kelalanandKrian. Yet, the most significant gains in terms of seats were in the semi-rural areas - for example,Batu Kawah,Dudong,Piasau(which has a large semi-rural area). The close fight in Senadin is also illustrative.
My preliminary analysis at the seat level shows that the gains in semi-rural seats were more than in the other areas, 19.7% compared to 14.8% in the rural areas and 13.4% in the urban communities.
The 'safe' seats in the urban periphery are no longer 'safe'. The change in voting pattern reflected not just Chinese support for Pakatan, but Iban and Bidayuh support as well. In fact, what is especially interesting is that the movement in support in rural areas is more than the share in urban areas (although it is important to note that the urban areas have more voters).
More than anything, these findings point illustrate how much the 'fixed deposit' is no longer secure. Semi-rural and rural cracks in BN support are part of the new Sarawak, a more competitive polity that has become increasin! gly rece ptive to a stronger two-party system and critical of BN governance, especially in the areas of corruption.
The growing youth revolution
The election of young candidates in the opposition in some cases fresh out to university may come as a surprise to some, but it highlights the final important dynamic in this election, the massive movement among young voters away from the BN.
Drawing from the study of 'saluran' results in seven seats so far, from the Miri, Kuching and Bidayuh areas (semi-rural and urban seats), the findings suggest that a youth revolt has occurred.
In the lower polling streams, where new voters are concentrated, more than 70% of voters opposed the BN. Given the largely young crowds at rallies, especially in Kuching and Miri, this is no surprise.
We see two pattern - higher mobilisation of younger voters, an estimated 16% increase in turnout compared to older voters, and an overwhelming level of support for Pakatan among younger voters in the lower streams, with a change in trend of over 25%. In 2006, there was already stronger support for the opposition among the youth, but this appears to have significantly increased.
When one considers the high number of younger voters that did not register, estimated in the 100,000s in Sarawak, and the large number of younger voters working outstation, these results should be quite worrying for the BN indeed. The fact that the election came before Gawai (harvest festival) is also important as it is likely that when younger voters returned home possibly further movement from the BN could have occurred.
Many a younger voter in my exit interviews highlighted the fact that they convinced t! heir par ents (and grandparents) to change support. The youthful composition of voting this election compared to 2006 shows that indeed a revolution among younger voters has occurred in Sarawak.
Rise of a new Sarawak
These results are preliminary and need to further confirmed with the official results at the 'saluran' (polling stream) level. This analysis is drawn from the newspaper publication of results and 'saluran' results that have been made available immediately after the polls, so the numbers should be seen as indicators of trends rather than absolutes.
These findings collectively show that there is indeed a new Sarawak, that voters across races, across geographic areas and especially the state's future are no longer supporting the BN to the same degree. While the two-thirds may not have been broken, profound political change did come to Sarawak.
It remains to be seen whether the opposition can continue to the momentum or the BN will address the root causes of the discontent, but irrespective of this, Sarawak remains critical for the political direction of the country - now more than ever.
DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University and she can be reached at bwelsh@smu.edu.sg. She was in Sarawak to observe the state election.
DAP's giant killer groomed by MCA
When assigned by then MCA president Ong Ka Ting to revive the party's UK Club in 2005, Ling Sie Kiong never thought that he would one day become a candidate for the opposition.
More than that, he has turned 'giant killer' at the age of 28, unseating SUPP president and deputy chief minister Dr George Chan in the Sarawak election concluded on Saturday.
"I met Ong at Sheffield University when I was looking for sponsorship as president of the UK Malaysian Law Students Union," said Ling in a phone interview, fresh from his electoral success.
"He suggested I revive the dormant MCA UK Club. My friends and I accepted the challenge. We then set up branches in different universities and also created a website for the club."
The club also liaised with its counterparts in Umno and MIC to organise activities for Malaysian students in the UK.
Whenever MCA ministers or leaders visited the UK, the club would hold dialogues with them to exchange views on the party and Malaysian politics.
However, Ling did not join the party despite overtures by leaders such as Chor Chee Heung who was in charge of the overseas club and one-time deputy education minister Hon Ch! oon Kim.
Ling was also familiar with the DAP's struggles and leaders. From the age of 14, he had been taken to the party'sceramahand dinners by his father, a staunch supporter.
"I'm lucky because I had the chance to assess and get to know both sides. From interacting with MCA leaders, I realised the constraints faced by MCA in BN."
After graduating with law degree in 2006, he returned to Malaysia and did his chambering in DAP chairperson Karpal Singh's legal film before returning to Miri in 2009.
"Initially I wanted to contribute to my hometown through community service. But on assessing the political landscape after 2008 general election, I found that BN component parties still had no say in the government. So I decided that I needed to come forward," he said.
On Valentine's Day this year, apart from celebrating the occasion with his fiancee, Ling declared his dedication to another love - DAP - and joined the party.
"SUPP has no real power in the ruling coalition. What could I do if I join them?" he replied when asked why he chose DAP.
"DAP's ideology and platform suits me better. I admire the spirit of DAP leaders and their perseverance despite repeated defeats in Miri."
Priorities in politics
"It was a tough struggle. I even shed tears. I had just started my career and got engaged at the end of last year. I had to convince my fiancee, her parents and my parents to support my decision. I appreciate their support very much," he said of his first two months in politics.
On April 2, a day before the party announced its candidates for the Sarawak election, Ling was told that he had been picked to challenge Chan(right in photo), the six-term Piasau assemblyperson.
"It was very hard for Miri DAP to attract professionals because SUPP was so strong there," said Ling, explaining his quick elevation in the party's hierarchy.
What has prompted Ling to dedicate his time and efforts to public affairs and social justice was an event that affected a family-member while he was doing his pre-university studies in Miri.
"My uncle was extorted by the police, who abused their power. In that incident, I saw the dark side of society and the importance of legal knowledge. Therefore I decided to study law to protect the rights of my family," he said.
Growing up, he had also witnessed first-hand the hardship and sorrows of those in dire need.
Born to a poor family in Sibu, Ling and his illiterate parents had migrated to Limbang when he was three.
For seven years, he lived in a double-storey wooden shoplot along the river-front from which his father r! an a gro cery store downstairs. The family moved to Miri when he was 10.
Looking forward to the first state assembly sitting, Ling pledged to voice the woes of middle- and low-income Mirians, including squatters.
He claimed that Chan, a tycoon, had failed to bring up issues affecting them over the last 30 years, including the lack of electricity and water supply.
But all that is set toubah(change).
September 16: Bukan Anwar yang Sepatutnya Menjadi PM
Ketahuilah, Tulang Besi sanggup bersumpah dengan nama Allah bahawa maklumat ini benar.
Anwar Ibrahim benar-benar ikhlas sehingga sanggup melepaskan jawatan Perdana Menteri kepada Mr.X semata-mata mahu menyelamatkan Malaysia dari gengaman UMNO.
Bukan tujuan beliau mahu menggadai Melayu ataupun untuk menjatuhkan sesiapa. Namun, antara mereka yang mensabotj September 16 adalah PAS sendiri. (Rujuk di sini)
Tiada sebab untuk PAS menolak kerajaan sementara yang mahu ditubuhkan Anwar Ibrahim selepas September 16 itu.
Sekian
Zahrain telah menaikkan isu SEPT 16. Tetapi tahukah anda.....
Maklumat yang saya dapat adalah calon PM, sekiranya Sept 16 kelmarin berjaya, bukan Anwar Ibrahim. Ianya adalah .......MR X.
Pada mulanya Anwar mahu membawa MP2 melompat atas inisiatif sendiri. Namun, apabila dibantah oleh Presiden dan beberapa kepimpinan PAS Pusat atas alasan "Melayu tidak Majoriti", maka Anwar telah mengubah perancangan beliau.
Banyak masa dibuang kerana bantahan dari PAS. Hanya Tok Guru sahaja yang bersama Anwar pada masa itu. Kepimpinan lain lebih suka bersama UMNO.
Maka, atas bantahan PAS yang tidak berasas ini, Anwar telah bertemu Mr. X dan Mr X bersetuju membawa MP2 Melayu di bawah beliau.
Mr X akan menjadi PM selepas Najib diturunkan.
Namun, pada masa itu sudah terlambat. Najib telah menghidu dan Pak LAh awal2 isytihar letak jawatan. MP2 di bawa ke Taiwan dan dikurung di sana.
Kepimpinan Pro UMNO dalam PAS boleh dipersalahkan atas kegagalan Sept 16 dan bukan Anwar.
Kiranya majoriti dalam kerajaan itu bukan Islam sekalipun, kerajaan itu hanya akan survive tidak lebih dari 1 tahun.
Selepas 1 ta! hun, kal au masih belum dibubar Dewan, PAS boleh menarik sokongan pada Anwar dan hasilnya kerajaan baru itu akan tumbang juga dan membawa kepada pilihanraya.
Begitu dangkal pemimpin2 PAS pro UMNO ini sehingga mereka sanggup mengagalkan Sept 16. Hakikatnya, mereka mahu mempertahankan UMNO serta memastikan kesinambungan UMNO.
Anwar berjiwa besar dan sanggup mengambil kira pendapat PAS. Anwar telah sanggup menggadaikan reputasi beliau semata-mata menghormati PAS.
Pemimpin2 pro UMNO dalam PAS ini umpama barah. Mereka harus dibersihkan seluruhnya.
And here is the rest of it.
Agik Idup, Agik Ngelaban.....
Dear Mr Sim Kwang Yang ,
I was there at the ceramah held in Stutong. I heard your speech and I was very moved by what you said. I hope for a new Sarawak, and a new hope for the young people.
I am 27 years old and I hope that my generation can learn from you on what it is to persevere and be strong in times of difficulty. Your fighting spirit has made me realise that we young people have taken many things for granted.
I stood very near the stage and as such, I was privileged to be able to hear and see you clearly. Your speech was moving. I was also there when the police rushed up to try to stop the ceramah from proceeding.
I saw this, and I knew what it felt like to be denied the freedom to voice out. This is how our ideas are suppressed. Fortunately, the unity and cooperation from the crowd prevailed, and we could continue. That made me see and realise something powerful.
So after the ceramah, I decided to go back and 'find' you. I found a website called 'Hornbill Unleashed' and I read your plea to citizens to help vote for See Chee How on April 16. That was when I decided to write to you and drop you a sincere and simple message.
I was also touched by the crowd that managed to gather on April 15, despite all the hurdles we have to overcome to support what we believe is true. I wish to see a new future for me and my fellow Sarawakians.
I am voting in Batu Lintang area and I will do my best on April 16 to lend a helping hand in making it a dream come t! rue for us here; so that we can form a new government.
Ubah!
Yours sincerely, Batu Lintang Voter
Tsunami elusive, for now
When voting had ended, I was hoping for a miracle to happen, for a tsunami of votes to overthrow the BN government so that we could enjoy a regime change in the state of Sarawak.
In the end, the tsunami did not happen. We will have to wait for the next round, for the parliamentary elections. Meanwhile, the Barisan Nasional has suffered severe losses at the poll, with their share of the popular vote dropping eight percentage points from 63 percent to 55 percent.
Have we witnessed the beginning of the end of the corrupt practices that have plagued the BN regime? We may very well have for we have many future general elections to come.
Thank God, we live in Malaysia, where the door is always open for a change of government through the ballot box. We Malaysians just have to learn to be patient and realise that change cannot come overnight.
In the urban constituencies at least, a mini-tsunami did happen, with DAP winning 12 of the seats that they contested.
I congratulate the DAP on their historic success as they almost wiped out the SUPP in the urban, mostly Chinese, constituencies. This is the DAP's grandest success since their entry into Sarawak in 1978. SUPP is left with only two urban seats, making it a real mosquito party in state politics.
Greatest crowd in Sarawak's history
The tremendous victory of PKR in Batu Lintang in Kuching made my old friend See Chee How an overnight hero as he won with a huge majority of 8,381 votes.
I went to Kuching to campaign for him, and the vast crowd of 20,000 people at the final ceramah, from both PKR and D! AP, made this the greatest crowd ever in the history of Sarawakian politics. I was honoured to be able to address the crowd as a guest speaker, in one of the most satisfying experiences of my life.
I had held the previous record of 12,000 in 1990 at a ceramah when I was contesting against Stephen Yong from SUPP. I am very glad my personal record has been shattered by the monster crowds at this Sarawak general election. This is called progress.
I feel deeply satisfied, too, by Baru Bian's success in the Ba'kelalan constituency. His long record of leadership in Sarawak has finally been rewarded. Now he must take on the awesome burden of preparing for the upcoming parliamentary elections. It is a heavy yoke on his back, and I pray to God for divine intervention for Baru.
I am also glad that PKR's third victory comes from Ali Biju, a self-made businessman representing the people of Krian, Saratok, three hours' drive from Kuching. I wish him a successful political career in future.
The other PKR leaders and candidates defeated in the election bore witness to the success of money politics at work. The spectre of vote-buying has once again ruled supreme in these state polls. It will require many years of political education in the rural areas of Sarawak for us to rid ourselves of this seemingly eternal and undying form of corruption.
As for Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud, his days as the supreme chief are numbered. Let me wish him a speedy early retirement in advance.
To all Sarawakians, Agik Idup, Agik Ngelaban! - Sim Kwang Yang
source:malaysiakini
cheers.
Anwar planted "marijuana seeds" in Sarawak !
By Shannon Teoh April 18, 2011
Anwar said PR succeeded in penetrating the interior of Sarawak.
KUALA LUMPUR, April 18 - Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has claimed success in
Saturday's Sarawak election despite failing to deny two-thirds majority for
Barisan Nasional (BN) as the "seeds of politics with good values" have been
planted in the state.
"Although we did not achieve the desired result, we succeeded in planting
the seeds of politics with good values so that the people of Sarawak will
leave narrow racial politics, be brave enough to fight shackling oppression
and work to strengthen democratic practices," the opposition leader said in
a press statement last night.
Anwar had said during the campaign that the opposition pact was looking not
just to deny BN victory in two-thirds of the contests, but to topple Tan Sri
Abdul Taib Mahmud's government.
Pakatan Rakyat (PR) won just 15 seats on Saturday, up from a tally of seven
in the 2006 polls, but still failed to deny Taib a two-thirds majority in
the state assembly, a result that would likely have fast-tracked the end of
his 30-year tenure as chief minister.
Although BN took 55 seats in the 71-member state assembly, it also saw its
popular support drop from 63 per cent in 2006 to 55 per cent in Saturday's
vote.
PKR suffered defeat in 46 of the 49 seats it contested, but its de facto
leader Anwar said despite limited resources, "PR succeeded in penetrating
the interior that has been considered a stronghold for BN."
"The 2011 Sarawak state election proves that the fight for justice for all
races and gaining their trust is not an easy task, but also not impossible,"
he said.
The Permatang Pauh MP also called of Sarawakians to step up efforts to
"bring down this corrupt regime" at the next polls.
"The election result is not the end but the beginning of a move for change.
Surely this cannot be achieved if the people of Sarawak do not unite to
ensure it happens," he said.
The former deputy prime minister also said the credibility and integrity of
the Election Commission (EC) has been damaged as it was biased in "purposely
turning a blind eye to any fraud on polling day."
He said PKR polling agents were denied forms to ensure that results were
safe from electoral fraud and that vote-buying had occurred in several
seats.
"The refusal of the EC to recount votes in Senadin strengthens the
allegations that it acts in the interest of BN. The PKR candidate Dr Michael
(Teo Yu Kheng) lost by just 58 votes. Why refuse a recount without good
reason?" he said.
The party has said it will challenge the Senadin result through an election
petition.
____
http://www.malaysia-chronicle.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item
&id=10866:anwar-praises-sarawakians-for-their-courage-and-supporting-
pakatan&Itemid=2
Anwar praises Sarawakians for their courage and supporting Pakatan
Stan Lee, Malaysia Chronicle Monday, 18 April 2011
Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim praised the Sarawak electorate for
supportiing the Pakatan Rakyat and handing the coalition unprecedented
success in the Land of the Hornbills.
45 per cent of the nearly 1-million strong Sarawak electorate had given the
Pakatan their vote on Saturday, helping both the DAP and PKR to double the
number of seats held. The DAP won 12 and PKR 3. Although the Islamist PAS
failed to capture any, it also achieved greater popular support.
"Although we did not achieve the desired result, we succeeded in planting
the seeds of politics with good values so that the people of Sarawak will
leave narrow racial politics, be brave enough to fight shackling oppression
and work to strengthen democratic practices," Anwar said in a press
statement.
He was referring to Prime Minister Najib Razak's BN coalition which saw its
popular support drop from 63 per cent in 2006 to 55 per cent on Saturday.
71 state seats had been up for grabs, with 63 being held by BN, DAP 6, PKR 1
and the last by an Independent candidate. When the final tally was made, BN
only managed to defend 55.
Massive electoral fraud and gerrymandering
Pakatan had aspired to deny BN two-thirds majority and even topple
corruption-tainted Chief Minister Taib Mahmud, boosted by the huge crowds
that thronged their rallies.
However, gerrymandering and last-minute massive electoral fraud overturned
the initial gains made by PKR, which had led in the initial vote count in 8
of the BN's 'fixed-deposit' states.
"PR succeeded in penetrating the interior that has been considered a
stronghold for BN. The 2011 Sarawak state election proves that the fight for
justice for all races and gaining their trust is not an easy task, but also
not impossible," said Anwar.
"The election result is not the end but the beginning of a move for change.
Surely this cannot be achieved if the people of Sarawak do not unite to
ensure it happens."
Anwar also slammed the Election Commission for "purposely turning a blind
eye to any fraud on polling day". EC officials had refused to give PKR
polling and counting agents the necessary confirmation of results from each
stream released in a Borang 14 or Form 14.
The EC also refused to order a recount at Senadin despite the tightest of
margins, and made it worse by refusing to give any reasons.
"The refusal of the EC to recount votes in Senadin strengthens the
allegations that it acts in the interest of BN. The PKR candidate Dr Michael
lost by just 58 votes. Why refuse a recount without good reason?" Anwar
said. - Malaysia Chronicle
____
http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/161782
S'wak only the beginning: Anwar
Apr 18, 11 12:55pm
Turning defeat into victory, Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim today said the
Pakatan Rakyat's showing at the Sarawak poll last Saturday should not be
regarded as the culmination of the change of voter sentiments it has brought
to the state but only a measure of things to come.
"The result is not the end. Be sure that it is only the beginning of the
clamour for change that is exact and comprehensive," said the PKR de facto
leader in a statement issued this morning.
The remarks follow a weekend of disappointment after the opposition
coalition won only 15 of the 69 seats that it contested in Sarawak .
The lion's share of the victories went to DAP, which garnered 12 of the 15
seats in which it fielded candidates. Anwar's party fielded candidates in 49
seats, but managed to win only in Ba'kelalan, Krian and Batu Lintang.
Though the results of Saturday's poll were not as hoped, Anwar said Pakatan
had succeeded in "planting the seeds" of a politics that was far removed
from the parochialism of race-based politics, injustice and dictatorship.
Anwar also called for Sarawakians who want "change" and love "justice" to
step up efforts and not give up in working towards the toppling of the
allegedly corrupt state government in the next elections.
"The Sarawak election of 2011 proves that the struggle for justice
regardless of race or faith is not an easy task, but neither is it
impossible," he said.
"The reality that could not be denied throughout the campaigning period is
that (we were faced with) limited resources while resolved to campaign
cleanly.
" (Yet) Pakatan Rakyat succeeded in breaking through to the interiors which
have always been seen as the strongholds of the Barisan Nasional," said
Anwar, citing allegations of vote-buying in Dudong, Bawang Assan and
Meradong and the disputed vote-count in Senadin.
Meanwhile, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang (right) said the state election
serves as an opportunity for the Islamist party to reflect on matters of
tactics and strategy in approaching.
PAS lost in all five seats fielded, although some of these saw it reducing
the majority won by BN compared to the previous state election of 2006.
"Obviously there are many things that we can improve on in order to be more
effective and able to demolish the barriers that still stand in the minds of
our voters.
"But whatever it is, our party workers should not feeled weakened and
discouraged by the results," said the PAS leader.
____
http://lite.themalaysianinsider.com/opinion/article/the-sarawak-ripple
The Sarawak ripple
Jema Khan
APRIL 18 - In an article I wrote at the beginning of this year entitled "A
prediction for 2011," I had forecast that Barisan Nasional (BN) would
capture three-quarters of the seats in the Sarawak state election but that
there would not be a nationwide general election in 2011.
In the interim though, I felt that with the Arab awakening, a strong
anti-Taib feeling as well as the Bible controversy, my prediction for BN in
Sarawak might prove to be wrong. It was not to be.
Under quite difficult circumstances, the BN was able to secure 55 of the 71
seats contested. Much of the credit has go to Datuk Seri Najib Razak and his
Cabinet colleagues for their tireless effort during the campaign. It was
clear to many from the start that BN was going to have a battle on its hands
but what made the crucial difference was that Najib had been well informed
on the matters on the ground and was able to take the appropriate steps to
ensure a strong victory.
Nevertheless the DAP has done extremely well in winning 12 of the 15 seats
that it contested with strong majorities. Even PKR put up a creditable
performance by winning three seats and a whole lot of votes even in the
areas where it lost.
The results for the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition were good enough to
justify Lim Kit Siang's assertion that Sarawak was no longer BN's "fixed
deposit" and that there was now a two-party system in Sarawak with PR as the
opposition to BN.
Certainly local opposition parties such as SNAP and PCM that failed to
secure any seats will have to question their "raison d'être." It appears
that the Sarawakians are looking more favourably to national opposition
parties compared to their local counterparts.
It would seem that they have woken up to the fact that they are very much
part of Malaysia and it appears that they too want their wishes to resonate
throughout the nation. They are no longer content to support state parties
that are not really known outside of Sarawak.
This is probably a good thing for nation building as we continue to try to
integrate our various communities to strengthen our Malaysian identity. It
also feeds into the wishes of many that we need a strong two-party system in
Malaysia to ensure proper checks and balance. Hopefully this will also see
the end of the silly practice of certain Malaysians being barred from
entering Sarawak.
But will Najib dissolve Parliament this year? He certainly has the wind
behind him with the victories in the last few by-elections coupled with a
good win in Sarawak. If he feels he needs a fresh new mandate of his own
then dissolving in the next few months is certainly opportune. The only
problem is that although BN may be able win a majority in Parliament, it may
not be able to win over the urban vote as well as the votes from the Chinese
community.
As in 2008, BN may again fail to obtain the two-thirds majority that it so
covets. Therefore to have a good showing Najib would have to try to win over
the disenchanted sections of society by showing that his policies are
yielding results within the next two years.
In any event except for Sarawak, there are not going to be any more
by-elections elsewhere in Malaysia. The government can thus spend more time
focusing on its transformational plan without having to worry too much about
short-term political machinations.
The Sarawak election results may have just been a ripple but it has
nationwide repercussions. Arguably BN cannot expect to obtain the same
number of seats from Sabah and Sarawak as it did in 2008. It will probably
have to budget for the loss of another four or five additional seats from
these two states but even with this, Sabah and Sarawak will still yield
close to 50 parliamentary seats for the BN and will continue to be extremely
important to the BN as a whole.
To obtain a two-thirds majority in Parliament, BN will have to look for at
least 15 additional seats for it to win from the opposition in Peninsular
Malaysia compared to 2008. Though it may be achievable, I don't think that
we are quite there yet. Thus my prediction at the beginning of the year that
we will not see a general election in 2011 may still hold.
____
PKR's Victory In Three Constituencies Due To Protest Votes
http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v5/newspolitic.php?id=579813
April 17, 2011 14:57 PM
People Wary Of Opposition Manifestos; Says UMNO Puteri Chief
http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v5/newspolitic.php?id=579866
Contrarian Umno: Polls show S'wakians not receptive to Pakatan
http://www.malaysia-chronicle.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view
=item&id=10836:contrarian-umno-polls-show-swakians-not-receptive
-to-pakatan&Itemid=2
Tsu Koon: Sarawak shows Pakatan tsunami is real and growing
http://www.malaysia-chronicle.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view
=item&id=10832:sarawak-shows-pakatan-tsunami-is-real-and-growing
-says-tsu-koon&Itemid=2
BN Should Deal With The DAP Challenge, Says Dr Koh
http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v5/newspolitic.php?id=579855
April 17, 2011 19:35 PM
Pakatan's Sarawak success is DAP's to celebrate
http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/pakatans-sarawak-success
-is-daps-to-celebrate/
In defeat, underdog PAS has reason to cheer
http://en.harakahdaily.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article
&id=2632:in-defeat-underdog-pas-has-reason-to-cheer&catid=34:
primary&Itemid=56
Hard lessons for Sarawak BN
http://www.sun2surf.com/article.cfm?id=60013
Sarawak election highlights
http://www.malaysia-chronicle.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=
item&id=10868:sarawak-election-higlights&Itemid=2
Thank you N. 42 Meluan voters - Dr. John Brian Anthony
http://dayakbaru.com/weblog08/2011/04/18/thank-you-n-42-meluan-voters/
The future of SNAP
http://dayakbaru.com/weblog08/2011/04/18/the-future-of-snap-2/
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"But its appeal had always been to the racialist sentiments of the Chinese. Those Chinese who reject the DAP seem to be considered as non-Chinese by the DAP,” added Mahathir.