Pakatan Rakyat (PR) Social Political Buzz & Bulls

Launch Ming Court-style coup, Swak BN reps told

BN elected representatives in Sarawak have been urged to stage a revolt against long-time Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud.

Citizen group Movement For Change Sarawak (MoCS) said BN reps should organised a rebellion similar to the infamous Ming Court coup against Taib 24 years ago.

I am asking those BN representatives those with some conscience left to stage Ming Court II and oust the corrupt chief minister who remains persistent in holding onto power despite widespread calls for him to step down, said MoCS leader Francis Paul Siah .francis siah uncensored nurul izzah interview 020608 07

Siah (left)said a growing number of politicians from the state BN component parties were getting uneasy and uncomfortable with Taibs 30-year leadership.

The truth is that a large cross-section of the Chinese and Dayaks in BN parties like SUPP, PRS and SPDP want a change in the states leadership.

PBB is also not as united as it is projected to be. There have been murmurs of discontent in the bumiputera-based party too.

what is the ming court affair 090506According to Siah, the only thing holding them back (from ousting Taib) is their fear, cowardice and self-interests.

Taib has a stranglehold on their careers, businesses and livelihood, he said.

The MoCS leader however believed that certain segments in PBB, the ruling party in Sarawak which Taib is the leader, wanted a change in the leadership but were too fearful of the chief minis! ter.

BN elected representatives can do something as a unified group. They can stage an internal revolt, learning from the lessons of the failed Ming Court coup in 1987, Siah said.

A pre-emptive strike from Taib

In the aborted 1987 coup, 28 state assemblypersons out of the then 48-member State Legislative Assembly met at the Ming Court Hotel in Kuala Lumpur and plotted the removal of Taib as chief minister.

The rebels, who included several state ministers and assistant ministers, were led by Abdul Rahman Yakub, Taibs uncle and former chief minister.

Given that the rebels commanded the majority in the state assembly, they planned a motion of no-confidence against Taib.

However, Taib launched a pre-emptive strike by dissolving the state assembly and called snap polls. In the election that followed, Taibs camp garnered 28 seats while the rebels managed to secure 20 seats, thus putting an end to the revolt.

taib and rahman yaakub hugging happy 110108Both uncle and nephew have since reconciled their differences (right).

The MoCS chief pointed out that it was not necessary for the BN reps to pass a vote of no-confidence against Taib in the State Assembly.

There are many ways to stage Ming Court II. They can do it during the coming elections or after the elections, if Taib is still in power.

They must be able to think, plan and strategise. Although Taib has been known to be a master tactician and political schemer, the younger set of leaders today could surely do better to outfox and outwit a 74-year-old man who is already entering his sunset years.

Siah also reiterated MoCSs stand that the movement was prepared to work with any political party or organisation which would help see to the ouster of Taib as chief minister.

Taib has to go first. Only then, can Sarawak start afresh, he! added.< /p>
Filed under: keadilan, Native Customary Rights, Politics Tagged: Anak Sarawak Bangsa Malaysia, Malaysia Politics, Sarawak politics, Save Sarawak, Taib Mahmud

Kesah "Special Branch" Mesir Menyiksa Tahanan Di Saksikan Wartawan New York Times

NOTA EDITOR: Sewaktu Tulang Besi berada di Mesir dahulu, TUlang Besi ada mendengar kesah beberapa orang pelajar Malaysia ditangkap "Al Mukhabarat"(Special Branch Mesir) kerana mengambil gambar di tempat yang tidak diizinkan.

Khabarnya pelajar-pelajar Malaysia itu cuma duduk di dalam penjara bawah tanah "Special Branch Mesir", namun kesan psikologi kepada mereka cukup serius. Dikhabarkan, pelajar2 yang ditangkap itu terus keluar dari Mesir dalam keadaan ketakutan dan terganngu emosi yang sangat serius. Khabarnya, kesan dari tahanan tersebut, mereka tidak lagi kembali ke Mesir untuk meneruskan pelajaran mereka.

Yang dikesali adalah sikap Kedutaan Malaysia pada masa itu yang buat tidak acuh. Yang menyelamatkan mereka adalah Naib Presiden PMRAM yang sanggup turun ke penjara bawah tanah tersebut merayu-rayu sehingga menangis meminta pelajar-pelajar Malaysia tersebut dilepaskan. Kalau silap cara, Naib Presiden PMRAM pada masa itu pun mungkin ditangkap dan disiksa sama.

Rupanya, 2 orang wartawan New York Times di bawah mendapat "nikmat" menyaksikan sendiri kezaliman penjara bawah tanah milik "Special Branch Mesir". Apa yang didengari dan disaksikan oleh kedua-dua wartawan NY Times ini adalah seperti yang dialami oleh pelajar-pelajar Malaysia tersebut.

Mengikut kawan Mesir Tulang Besi, bilangan agen "Mukhabarat" ini sangat ramai. Dianggarkan, seorang agen SB Mesir bagi setiap bangunan apartmen di Mesir. Sesiapa sahaja boleh ditangkap dan disiksa semata-mata laporan dari agen SB Mesir ini. Tidak perlu ke mahkamah ataupun tidak diizikan khidmat peguam.

Dikhabarkan tahanan2 SB Mesir ini disiksa, dipukul, dibiarkan kebuluran, dirogol, dibunuh dan macam-macam lagi. Begitu hebat "skill" SB Mesir menyiksa manusia, sewaktu selepas 911, Amerika telah menghantar ramai orang yang disyaki pengganas ke Mesir untuk disiksa dan mendapat pengakuan.

Semoga tulisan wartawan2 NYTIMES ini akan membuka mata kuasa-kuasa Besar supaya mempercepatkan kejatuhan Mubarak yang zalim ini.

2 Detained Reporters Saw Secret Polices Methods Firsthand

Andre Pain/European Pressphoto
By SOUAD MEKHENNET and NICHOLAS KULISH
WE had been detained by Egyptian authorities, handed over to the countrys dreaded Mukhabarat, the secret police, and interrogated. They left us all night in a cold room, on hard orange plastic stools, under fluorescent lights.
But our discomfort paled in comparison to the dull whacks and the screams of pain by Egyptian people that broke the stillness of the night. In one instance, between the cries of suffering, an officer said in Arabic, You are talking to journalists? You are talking badly about your country?
A voice, also in Arabic, answered: You are committing a sin. You are committing a sin.


We Souad Mekhennet, Nicholas Kulish and a driver, who is not a journalist and was not involved in the demonstrations were detained Thursday afternoon while driving into Cairo. We were stopped at a checkpoint and thus began a 24-hour journey through Egyptian detention, ending with we were told by the soldiers who delivered us there the secret police. When asked, they declined to identify themselves.


Captivity was terrible. We felt powerless uncertain about where and how long we would be held. But the worst part had nothing to do with our treatment. It was seeing and in particular hearing through the walls of this dreadful facility the abuse of Egyptians at the hands of their own government.


For one day, we were trapped in the brutal maze where Egyptians are lost for months or even years. Our detainment threw into haunting relief the abuses of security services, the police, the secret police and the intelligence service, and explained why they were at the forefront of complaints made by the protesters.
Many journalists shared this experience, and many were kept in worse! conditi ons some suffering from injuries as well.


According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, over the period we were held there were 30 detentions of journalists, 26 assaults and 8 instances of equipment being seized. We saw a journalist with his head bandaged and others brought in with jackets thrown over their heads as they were led by armed men.


In the morning, we could hear the strained voice of a man with a French accent calling out in English: Where am I? What is happening to me? Answer me. Answer me.


This prompted us into action pressing to be released with more urgency, and indeed fear, than before. A plainclothes officer who said his name was Marwan gestured to us. Come to the door, he said, and look out.
We saw more than 20 people, Westerners and Egyptians, blindfolded and handcuffed. The room had been empty when we arrived the evening before.
We could be treating you a lot worse, he said in a flat tone, the facts speaking for themselves. Marwan said Egyptians were being held in the thousands. During the night we heard them being beaten, screaming after every blow.


We were on our way back to Cairo after reporting about the demonstrations from Alexandria for The Times. We were traveling with journalists from the German public television station ZDF, a normal practice in such conditions safety in numbers.


At the outskirts of Cairo, we were stopped at what looked like a civilian checkpoint.
We had been through many checkpoints without problems, but after the driver opened our trunk a tremendous uproar began. They saw a large black bag with an orange ZDF microphone poking out. In the tense environment, television crews had been attacked and accused of creating anti-Egyptian propaganda. We had been in the middle of a near-riot with the same crew the day before.

The crowd shouted and banged on the car, pulling the doors open. The ZDF crew in the other! car man aged to drive off, while we were stuck. Instead of dragging us out as we expected, two men pushed their way into the backseat. We were relieved that they were taking us from the crowd, until one pulled out his police identification. Rather than helping us escape, he was now detaining us.

The officer gave the driver directions to an impromptu police station in the Sharabiya district of Cairo, on the roof of a lumber warehouse. The officer in charge there, who identified himself as Ehab, said they were the secret police.
They searched the ZDF bags and found much more than just a camera. We have a woman with a German passport of Arab origin and an American in a car with camera, satellite equipment and $10,000, he said. This is very suspicious. I think they need to be checked.

Anxiety turned to anticipation when we were driven to a military base. The military had been the closest thing Egypt had to a guarantor of stability and we thought once we explained who we were and provided documentation we would be allowed to go to our hotel.

In a strange exchange that only made sense later, Ms. Mekhennet asked a soldier, Where are you taking us? The soldier answered: My heart goes out to you. Im sorry.
After driving to several more bases we were told we were being handed over to the Mukhabarat at their headquarters in Nasr City.
It was sundown when they had us bring everything in from the car. The items were inventoried, from socks and a water bottle to a band of 50 $100 bills. Our cellphones, cameras and computers were confiscated.

We were taken to separate rooms with brown leather padded walls and interrogated individually. Mr. Kulishs interrogator spoke perfect English and joked about the television show Friends, mentioning that he had lived in Florida and Texas.
The Mukhabarat has had a working relationship with American intelligence, including the C.I.A.s so-called rendition program of prison transfers. During our ques! tioning, a man nearby was being beaten the sickening sound somewhere between a thud and a thwack. Between his screams someone yelled in Arabic, Youre a traitor working with foreigners.

Egyptian journalists had a freer hand than many in the regions police states, but the secret police kept a close eye on both journalists and their sources. As the protests became more violent, a campaign of intimidation against journalists and the Egyptians speaking to them became apparent. We appeared to have stumbled into the middle of it.

Ms. Mekhennet asked her interrogator, Where are we? The interrogator answered, You are nowhere.
We were blindfolded and led to the blank room where we would spend the night and into the next afternoon on the orange plastic chairs. The screams from the torture made it nearly impossible to think.
We were not physically abused. Ms. Mekhennet explained that she had been sick and a man appeared with a blood-pressure gauge, but she declined the offer. One officer gave each of us Pepsi and a small package of cookies. It was after 10 oclock at night, and we had not eaten since breakfast, but the agonizing cries instantly stilled our appetites.

We were told we could go in the morning, and starting at 6 a.m. we asked repeatedly to be released.
Marwan first appeared around 11 a.m. He became visibly annoyed by our requests, complaining that thousands of Egyptians civilians were in detention. He did not appreciate our sense of entitlement.
That was when he opened the door and showed us our handcuffed, blindfolded colleagues from international news outlets. He said that he was exhausted, but would find our cellphones and computers.
About an hour later, we were given back our belongings. Our greatest fear, that the innocent driver would be kept for processing, did not come to pass.
We left together, with pangs of guilt as we saw our blindfolded, injured colleagues again, and new people led in, past guards with bulletproof vests! and ass ault rifles.
Were we going to a hotel? we asked.
You dont get to know that, a guard answered.
They put us in our car with orders to put our heads down. Look down, and dont talk. If you look up you will see something you dont ever want to see.
They left us that way for 10 minutes. The only sounds were of guns being loaded and checked and duct-tape ripping.
An interrogator appeared and asked our driver, What did you do in Tahrir Square? He said we werent there. The interrogator said to the driver, So youre a traitor to your country.
In Arabic, Ms. Mekhennet, a German citizen with Arab roots, kept telling the questioner that we are journalists for The New York Times. You came here to make this country look bad, the interrogator said.
We were told we would be driving out in our car, but escorted by a man with an assault rifle. Again, we were told to look down.
Finally, after a while, our escort ordered the driver to stop the car and got out. You can go now.
The driver began yelling Alhamdulillah or Praise be to God. We looked around and realized we were alone, somewhere in the middle of Cairo, but away from the protests, the normal street traffic slowly moving past.




A Lesson from Tenang, MCLM and Malay Voter's Mindset

In a direct response to the PKR recently concluded party elections, the "Third Force" headed by Raja Petra Kamaruddin and Haris Ibrahim formed what we have come to know now as MCLM-"Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement"

You can read their agenda and programs by clicking on the name above.

My only question is, based on the recently concluded Tenang by elections, how does an organization like MCLM can make themselves attractive to the Malay electorate? Can someone like HAris Ibrahim command the respect and support of the Malay voters in a constituency like Tenang?

The Malays are paranoid when it comes to Malay rights. PAS tried to be ambivalent. They adopted a "clean campaign" free from mud slinging and bad mouthing tactics.

Most importantly, PAS decided not to play the "Malay Issue". Whatever issued that was played, it was either related to PAS's candidate's credibility (which is head above shoulders compared to that of UMNO's) or national issue which cuts across the race barrier. No Malay issues was played throughout the campaign.

As for UMNO, in addition to the lies, falsehood and slanders they threw at the PAS candidate and leaders, they went beserk playing the race card. Everything that came out from their mouth is nothing more than the dangers that Malays faced with the DAP coming into power in the form of Pakatan Rakyat.

When the ballots were counted, granted that UMNO only increased their tally by 332 votes (close to 2% of votes casted), they managed to keep the Malay votes they received in 2008 intact.

They lost on the CHinese and a bit on the Indian votes but then again most of the Chinese voters could not come out to vote because of the floods. The rescue boats were the sole use for ferrying UMNO voters.

So, UMNO can boast that they have managed to keep Malay voters from shifting sides. THe effect of tsunami 2008 on the Maly electorate has been mitigated. Now, they can move towards getting the Chinese and In! dian vot es.

My question to MCLM is that: What contribution can you bring forth in order to gain increase the Malay tally for Pakatan Rakyat (or against BN)?

This topic may point out to whether MCLM is really relevant to the current Malaysian political scenario.

Tulang Besi



Malaysia is facing the same fate as Egypt 1977-2011



Today, you are championing Malay Rights. You are angry that Non-Malays are questioning these rights. You are also angry that Malays themselves are questioning these so-called Rights. You want the other races to acknowledge that the Dominant Malays are the rightful heirs to this country called Malaysia. What an embarrassment to us Malays.

By Capt.Iskandar Dzulkarnain

Tun Dr Mahathir was Prime Minister of Malaysia for 22 years. All of us lived under his leadership during his tenure, and many of us have come to admire him and regard him with our deepest respect, for what he has done for the country. The Galleria Perdana in Langkawi is testimony to his achievements.

His Vision 2020, the Look East Policy, the Multimedia Super Corridor, the Internet and his efforts to industrialize the country has brought countless prosperity to our nation. We look upon him as the most successful leader since our nations independence.

Lately, we see a sudden about turn to his speeches and rhetorics. Many who listened with interest to his sermons, is alarmed at the vast distortion of everything he has tried to impress upon us in the past. He is beginning to sound incoherent, with a tinge of cynicsm. The great empire you built in the last 22years is slowly unravelling, crumbling, torn assunder by the words that spews forth from your mouth. Everyone, who knows you in the past, is becoming dissapointed in what you hold dear to.

At your age, we expect the Grand Old Vizier with bottomless wisdom, intellect, and wide political experience to advise us, and tell us where we went wrong, and to correct us. To bring continuous change, to unite us, and to tell us that we are all Citizens of this great nation, to warn us of the pitfalls of racism, corruption and to pro! tect thi s country from tearing itself apart.

Lately, many of your speeches has been met with apprehension, and later with disgust as you keep on levelling criticism on the different races. Even Singapore was not spared. Your latest speech that Malaysia belongs to the Malays, that Malays think 1Malaysia is about abolishing vernacular schools, and that Chinese and Indians think that 1Malaysia means abolishing Malay Rights, is really hurtful and hard to swallow. I really wonder what is going through the mind of this once Great man?

Today, you are championing Malay Rights. You are angry that Non-Malays are questioning these rights. You are also angry that Malays themselves are questioning these so-called Rights. You want the other races to acknowledge that the Dominant Malays are the rightful heirs to this country called Malaysia. What an embarrassment to us Malays.

What special rights are you talking about? If the Malays have benefited from it, and given us a window of opportunity, and an edge over others, why has the Malays not advanced any further? All these years, the bragging and the promises about Special Rights has only led us to acknowledge that it is only a big pie in the sky.
Through 3 generations, we have come to accept that we are all Malaysian Citizens, and everyone is equal to everyone, and now we find out that we indeed do have Special Rights accorded only to us, and not to the others. We must also fight for our Rights and not let the other community take it away from us. But what are these Rights??? If we had Special Rights, why are the Malays still lagging behind? Did anybody actually accorded the Malays these Rights in the past? Did the Malays reject these Rights, so much so that they are now living in utter poverty? Can someone start going around and bestow this Rights upon us right now? When are we going to get these Rights? As far as we know, we never had any Rights!!! Ony the Chinese and Indians think we have Special Rights.

Most Malays don't give two hoots about ! Tanah Me layu, Ketuanan Melayu or Special Rights, because it does not exist. We also got bored waiting for these rights to be transfered to us. We just want a decent life, job, a brighter, predictable future. And the Right to practice our Religion free of encumbrance. We are a loosely knitted race that comprises mixed Javanese, Sumatran, Indian, Hunanese, Thai, and Middle East blood bound together by our Religion Islam. And yet in the INTERLOK novel we branded other communities as Pariahs.

And if there is a Special Right, I think I would want to have the Right to mingle freely with our Chinese and Indian friends, step into a church and listen with interest to their choirs singing Christmas Carols, drop by a Chinese temple, and observe the monks chanting their mantras, or to an Indian Temple to see how they worship. And to drop by the Pub, for a glass of cold Coke, withourt feeling a little peculiar. I want the right to tell all our fellow citizens that we do not harbour any ill will against them, that we are just like them and that we will always stand by them.

22 years in power, and yet so many of our kin still live in misery. We are not asking for utter riches, just a decent life, but many Malays still lives in utter misery, and in such contrast to the Super rich UMNOPutras. And in the last election, many Malays were abandoning BN in droves, and now the ruling elite are not confident any more of retaining their power and has started to take drastic measures to regain their support.

Lastly, keep this in mind. There is no racism in Malaysia. 99 percent of Malaysians are not racist. We are too busy living our lives than to check on our neighbours. It is the one percent who is desperately clinging on to power, bent on staying, and who will do anything at any cost,even selling their souls to the devil, that is causing all this ruckus about Racism in this country. The one percent of Malays, Chinese and Indians who are about to be given the boot are shouting Ketuanan Melayu and Ketuanan What not!!!

Malays, in their right minds are not going to support this bunch of losers. That is why they say that the Malays are split between UMNO and PAS. And the blame was put on poor old Nik Aziz, who became the scapegoat for splitting the Malays.
They really must go!
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Remember 1977

In April 1974, Sadat presented what he called the October Working Paper, which described his vision of Egypt's future. The paper committed Egypt to building a strong country, continuing the confrontation with Israel, working toward Arab unity, and playing a leading role in world politics. Perhaps the most important part of Sadat's paper was the announcement of a new economic policy that came to be called infitah [Literally open door; refers to Anwar as Sadat's policy after the October 1973 War of relaxing government controls on the economy so as to encourage the private sector and stimulate the inflow of foreign funds.].

This new economic policy allowed increased foreign investment in Egypt, greater participation by the private sector in the Egyptian economy, more freedom for individuals to develop their own wealth and property, and relaxed currency regulations so that Egyptians could have access to foreign currency. The new direction gradually changed Egypt in many ways: the shops filled with foreign consumer goods; foreign companies built huge modern hotels; and new wealth was displayed in a way that had not been seen in Egypt since before the 1952 Revolution. Doubts began to be expressed, however, about how much all this was actually doing for the Egyptian people since foreign investment in long-term agricultural or industrial projects was lacking.

In January 1977, Egyptians took to the streets in antigovernment riots that demonstrated their disillusionment with infitah and the nepotism and corruption it spawned. The cause of the riots went back to late 1976 when Sadat, in an effort to solve the country's! economi c problems, asked the World Bank for loans. In response to the bank's criticisms of public subsidies, the government announced in January 1977 that it was ending subsidies on flour, rice, and cooking oil and canceling bonuses and pay increases.

The result was immediate and shocking. On January 18 and 19, there was rioting in towns from Aswan to Alexandria, variously described as the biggest upheaval since the 1919 riots against the British, or a second Black Saturday. It was the first time the army had been brought into the streets since 1952. For thirty-six hours, the rioters unleashed their pent-up fury on targets that symbolized the yawning gap between the haves and have-nots, the frivolity and corruption of the ruling class, and the incompetence and insensitivity of the administration. The rioters shouted slogans like, "Hero of the crossing, where is our breakfast?" and "Thieves of the infitah, the people are famished." There were also shouts of "Nasser, Nasser." In the clashes between demonstrators and police, 800 persons were killed, and several thousands were wounded, according to unofficial estimates. The rioting ended when the government canceled the price increases while retaining 10 percent wage increases and other benefits for public sector employees.
************************************************************************************
Memories of 1977

Do public protests about the increased cost of basic commodities have overtones of the bread riots more than three decades ago, asks Mohamed El-Sayed
________________________________________
Egyptians are generally not rebellious people though when their stomachs are empty the government should beware. That, at least, is the feeling of many commentators who felt a sense of dj vu when looking at the demonstrations that hit the streets of Cairo, Port Said and Mahalla in a week when the public finally began to protest against increases in the price of basic commodities.

Memories of the bread riots that ! broke ou t when President Anwar El-Sadat attempted to cut subsidies on a range of basic foodstuffs were never far away when, beginning last Thursday, the Egyptian Movement for Change (Kifaya) attempted to stage the first demonstration in Cairo's Sayeda Zeinab Square. Security forces arrested around 50 Kifaya members along with a number of journalists covering the event. While those detained were held in Central Security trucks the rest of the protesters headed to the Press Syndicate to continue the protest. The heavy-handed approach adopted by the police towards the protesters prompted the Washington-based Human Rights Watch to criticise the Egyptian authorities. "Egyptian authorities are taking every opportunity to signal to citizens that when it comes to peaceful criticism of government policies forget about exercising your rights," said Joe Stork, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Middle East division.

On Saturday, the Ghad Party organised a demonstration in the Mediterranean city of Port Said, about 220 kilometres north east of Cairo. Blaming the government for the increase in prices of basic foodstuffs they carried bread and cooking oil bottles and warned the government against removing subsidies on basic commodities.

A day later 5,000 people attended a demonstration in the industrial city of Mahalla, Gharbiya governorate, 123 kilometres north of Cairo, organised by Wafd, the Nasserist Arab, Ghad and the frozen Labour parties and the Muslim Brotherhood. Raising anti-government and anti- National Democratic Party slogans, protesters accused the government of failing to raise salaries to keep pace with inflation. They warned government officials that another bread uprising could be in the offing.

The same governorate was the site of another demonstration by 300 people protesting a shortage of flour at the only bakery in the village of Kafr Hassaan.
"The government is scared of another hungry riot," argued Kifaya general coordinator Abdel-Wahab Elmessiri, who was forced by a group ! of plain clothes security personnel into a van and then driven with seven others to the outskirts of New Cairo. "They prevented our protest because we raised slogans that were closely related to the livelihood of people."

The prevention of peaceful demonstrations calling for a reduction in basic commodity prices, Elmessiri continued, could lead to "a populist uprising in the form of catharsis that could destroy everything". He had hoped that the government would be more rational in its response to such protests and work on reducing basic commodity prices. "This [rebellion], if it happens, will not be to the benefit of any party, the people, the government or the opposition."

Elmessiri concedes that skyrocketing commodity prices are a global phenomenon but insists that the sufferings of ordinary Egyptians are compounded by government corruption.

But could Egypt really see a repeat of the January 1977 bread riots?

"Since the 1977 bread riots political awareness among the people has been in decline. However, they have been restoring it step by step of late," says Elmessiri, citing the series of labour strikes that hit the country last year. "Even [Egyptian] pilgrims organised sit-in strikes during the pilgrimage season in Mecca, and strikes have been organised by civil servants, unheard of in Egypt's modern history."
While opposition leaders are using an alarmist tone, Mohamed Kamal, member of the ruling National Democratic Party's Policies Committee, told Al-Ahram Weekly that the warnings against potential riots are exaggerated.

"Egyptian society is going through a period of political and economic mobility. Our society is witnessing an unprecedented degree of freedom of expression, and it's normal for societies in a state of transition to experience what's happening in Egypt."

Kamal dismisses the notion that Egyptian society is on the verge of "social upheaval" and defended the government, arguing that the rise in prices was a global phenomenon. "The government continues! to subs idise basic foodstuffs, and at the same time increases salaries, the problem is that the increase in salaries hasn't matched inflation."

The string of protests still sounds alarm bells for many observers. "The atmosphere that prevailed before and during the 1977 bread riots is similar to now, especially in that there is no confidence in the government," Ammar Ali Hassan, director of the Middle East Studies and Research Centre, told the Weekly. "The desire to protest has overwhelmed a large sector of society."

That said, Hassan argues that although current living conditions are "much worse than 1977, the ordinary Egyptian nowadays is unable to stage wide protests because he has become fragile. Egyptians in 1977 were more politicised than now and the regime's security grip was less strong," he said.
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I met Egyptian Mohammed in 1977, then a final Medical student. A typical youth, who is full of dreams but also, mature enough to know that his future was a hopeless one as an Egyptian who has no connection with the Ruling Party.

Mohammeds family was considered well off during the time of First Egyptian President Gamal Nasser. Mohammeds father was a trader who did his work and was never involved or took interest in politic. Mohammed has five sisters and one little brother.

In Egypt consanguineous marriage is practice. So Mohammeds sisters leave home once they reach puberty. Mohammeds family assets were two three-room apartments, ten minutes from Cairo and a beat up American trunk that has seen better days. The apartments were stolen from them by Mubaraks cronies similar to what happened in Selangor under UMNO before PKR took over.

When Sadat took over as President of Egypt, he wanted to be a transformer like our Mr Rosmah. He talked and talked about KPI, transparency, NEM and whatever alphabets you can name. But like Mahathir, Sadat divided the people and introduced cronyism and c! orruptio n.

Mohammeds father business collapsed because of cronyism and corruption and so he spent his remaining days praying that the Government would change. Mohammed in the meantime had to find the funds for his study, so like most Egyptian youth he became MOAT man of all trade. Show the cash and he is all yours, no matter how undignified or humiliating the job requires. Graduated as one of the top three students in Egypt, Mohammed thought he could find work and later specialized and be a surgeon but things took a drastic turn when Mubarak took over as President. From then on Mohammed failed to get a decent job and his dream shattered because he had no connection to any member of the cronies of Mubarak.

Mohammed like most Egyptians has since make the valley of the dead their home now. As more and more people are unable to get a job or afford proper housing or pay for exotic price for food.

Egypt since 1977 till 2011 and Malaysia today is similar in fate. We are controlled by a government who favour cronies, we have PDRM, MACC, Judiciary, AG and EC who are loop-sided, a first lady whore who is out to compete with her husband as Prime Minister, an ageing fart who is still glutton for projects in PETRONAS, bleeding it dry and have helped himself to billions of our money and Royal Households who does not know the meaning of STOP demanding for projects and land. The monthly increase of food, goods and services is one way of controlling us so that we have limited resources to fight the government. The life long issue of Religion and Race is constantly being used as a front line to divide the people so that we pay less attention to what the UMNO bastards are up to. We are constantly being told we should be grateful to UMNO for Malaysia Boleh, 1Malaysia and peace in this country, though we have been doing just that since Merdeka. But behind the screen lies destruction in the making by these same bastards who insist on dividing the people.

Egypt is surrounded by history and mystic. ! Million s and millions of tourists travel to see the Pyramids known as the Seven Wonders of the World even though the Ministers does nothing but spend lavishly on holidays in the name of promoting the country and enriching themselves similar in many ways to our own Tourism Minister Ng Yen Yen and Ministers before her. NYY and her entourage including her toy boy travels, stays in five stars hotels and eat first class. They spent millions and millions claiming it was necessary to bring in tourists. But one must never forget we do not need such unnecessary spending because Malaysia is already famous for easy access to drug, drug mule, human trafficking, imitation goods, pirated CDs, safe haven for terrorists and their money, money laundering, Royalties gambling, drinking and adultery, cronyism, corruption, injustice, killing and murders, forge Universities Degree, purchase of titles and anything else money can buy.

For the past 25 years I have seen acquaintances, friends and neighbours who share similar fate like Mohammed because they have no connection to projects, financial aid to business or study or run a decent trade. So how can you say UMNO can and has changed, UMNO/BN is the only government who is capable of running this country and whatever fart one can think of that UMNO/BN can do?

The only way to make a difference to our lives and have a better future is to get rid of UMNO/BN and their cronies before we lose our clothes on our back.

Go Mubarak Go....

President Hosni Mubarak's family fortune could be as much as $70bn (43.5bn) according to analysis by Middle East experts.

Much of his wealth are in British and Swiss banks or tied up in real estate in London, New York, Los Angeles and along expensive tracts of the Red Sea coast.

After 30 years as president and many more as a senior military official, Mubarak has had access to investment deals that have generated hundreds of millions of pounds in profits. Most of those gains have been taken offshore and deposited in secret bank accounts or invested in upmarket homes and hotels.

source: the guardian

Latest.....

A failed assassination bid against Egyptian Vice President Omar Suleiman has left two of his bodyguards dead, according to a media report.

The incident was reported by Fox News which said, "Such an attempt on the life of Omar Suleiman would mark an alarming turn in the uprising against the government of President Hosni Mubarak, who only recently named Suleiman as vice president in an effort to quell the unrest and possibly line up a successor."






TIMELINE

Hosni Mubarak has ruled Egypt for 29 years.

May 4, 1928: Mubarak is born in a village in Egypt's Nile Delta.
Oct 14, 1981: Named President after the assassination of Anwar Sadat.
June 26, 1995: Survives assassination attempt in Ethiopia.
March 2005: Hundreds join street protests organised by Kifaya [Enough] Movement to oppose a fifth term for Mubarak or plans to allow his son, Gamal, to succeed him.
May 11, 2005: Constitution changed, contested presidential elections allowed.
Sept 27, 2005: Mubarak is sworn in for a fifth consecutive term ! after wi nning the first contested presidential election.
Nov 28, 2010: Opposition parties claim parliamentary elections marred by fraud.
Jan 25, 2011: Countrywide anti-government protests demand Mubarak's ouster.
Jan 28, 2011: Mubarak orders army onto the streets to restore order.
Jan 29, 2011: A wave of looting after police withdraw from Cairo, other cities.
Feb 1, 2011: Mubarak announces he will not stand for president again, rejecting calls to immediately step down.
Feb 4, 2011: Protesters, insisting Mubarak must stand down, call it D-Day (Day of Departure).

cheers.

Sekatan Halal dan Himpunan Haram

5 February, 2011 By Syahredzan Johan

Suatu refleksi berkenaan hak untuk berhimpun dengan aman dan tanpa senjata dan penafian hak ini oleh pihak berkuasa.

Apabila saya mendengar bahawa akan diadakan demonstrasi, saya dengan serta merta dapat menggambarkan apa yang akan berlaku. Demonstrasi itu tidak akan mempunyai permit polis. Polis akan memberi amaran kepada orang ramai supaya tidak menghadiri protes tersebut. Polis akan membuat sekatan jalanraya untuk menghalang pemprotes daripada turun memprotes. FRU akan dipanggil. Meriam air dan gas pemedih mata akan digunakan ke atas pemprotes. Kemudian, tangkapan akan dibuat.

Apa yang berlaku adalah seperti yang dijangkakan.

Ada yang mempersoalkan mengapa protes tersebut harus dilangsungkan. Menurut mereka, tujuan protes itu diadakan tidak mempunyai merit.

Bagi saya, tujuan sesuatu protes, demonstrasi atau perhimpunan itu tidak penting dan tidak relevan. Apa yang saya pentingkan adalah hak untuk berbuat demikian. Kebebasan asasi untuk berhimpun dengan aman dan tanpa senjata.

Perkara 10(1)(b) Perlembagaan Persekutuan memperuntukan bahawa semua rakyat Malaysia mempunyai hak untuk berhimpun dengan aman dan tanpa senjata. Ini selaras dengan Pengisytiharan Hak Asasi Manusia Sejagat (UDHR) yang memperuntukan bahawa setiap orang mempunyai hak untuk berhimpun dengan aman dan untuk berpersatuan.

Hak untuk berhimpun dengan aman adalah hak asasi yang dijamin Perlembagaan dan juga merupakan suatu kebebasan politik dan sivil. Menurut Lord Denning, hakim Inggeris yang terkenal, setiap individu harus dibenarkan untuk melaksanakan hak ini tanpa halangan. Ini kerana perhimpunan aman selalunya merupakan cara tunggal untuk mengetengahkan rungutan atau bantahan kepada perhatian pihak berkuasa.

Perlembagaan Persekutuan tidak membezakan di antara tujuan atau merit mana-mana perhimpunan awam. Seseorang itu mempunyai hak untuk berhi! mpun sam ada ianya untuk mendesak pemansuhan Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA), menyeru kebebesan badan kehakiman, mendukung apa yang sering dikatakan sebagai hak Melayu ataupun untuk membantah ketidakteraturan yang kononnya berlaku di dalam pemilihan dalaman sebuah parti politik. Kita tidak mempunyai hak untuk menentukan perkara mana yang boleh diprotes dan yang mana tidak. Tetapi inilah pendirian yang diambil oleh pihak berkuasa, bagi mereka demonstrasi terhadap serangan Israel ke atas kapal Mavi Marmara adalah halal tetapi perarakan untuk menyampaikan memorandum isu air di Selangor pula adalah haram.

Benar, hak berhimpun ini bukanlah mutlak. Hak ini wujud selagi perhimpunan itu aman. Perkara 10(2)(b) Perlembagaan Persekutuan juga memperuntukan bahawa Parlimen boleh mengenakan "apa-apa sekatan yang didapatinya perlu atau suai manfaat demi kepentingan keselamatan Persektuan atau mana-mana bahagiannya atau ketenteraman awam".

Ini bermaksud Parlimen boleh menggubal undang-undang yang menyekat hak berhimpun bagi kepentingan keselamatan negara atau ketenteraman awam. Sekatan terhadap hak ini di atas apa-apa tujuan lain adalah tidak berpelembagaan.

Apa-apa perbincangan mengenai hak berhimpun di dalam negara ini sudah tentu akan melibatkan persoalan mengenai Seksyen 27 Akta Polis, yang menyatakan bahawa apa-apa perhimpunan, perjumpaan atau perarakan di tempat awam harus terlebih dahulu mendapat permit daripada Ketua Polis Daerah (OCPD) daerah tersebut. Sekiranya permit tidak diperolehi, perhimpunan tersebut dianggap haram.

Pendirian Majlis Peguam adalah bahawa keperluan mendapat permit untuk berhimpun adalah tidak berperlembagaan. Saya tidak berniat untuk menyelami isu ini dengan terperinci dan memberi hujahan undang-undang yang panjang lebar. Cukuplah sekiranya saya menyatakan bahawa Mahkamah telah memutuskan bahawa apa-apa sekatan yang dikenakan ke atas hak individu untuk haruslah berpatutan dan bersekadar (proportionate) terhadap matlamat sah yang mahu dicapai. Keperlua! n mendap at permit polis ini terlebih dahulu meletakkan sekatan ke atas hak seseorang warganegara untuk berhimpun berdasarkan kepada budibicara OCPD. Ini adalah sekatan yang tidak berpatutan atau larangan langsung ke atas hak yang dijamin oleh Perlembagaan serta merupakan langkah yang tidak bersekadar bagi melindungi keselamatan negara dan ketenteraman awam.

Hak untuk berhimpun ini tidak boleh disekat oleh pihak berkuasa hanya kerana ia akan menyebabkan kesusahan. Ada yang mengatakan bahawa demonstrasi jalanan menyebabkan kesesakan trafik dan menghalang hak warganegara lain untuk menjalani kehidupan seharian mereka. Walaupun begitu, apa-apa campurtangan pihak berkuasa untuk tujuan ini tidak mempunyai justifikasi mengikut Perlembagaan. Apatah lagi apabila kesesakan trafik seringkali adalah disebabkan oleh sekatan jalan raya yang didirikan oleh pihak polis bagi menghalang perhimpunan daripada berlangsung dan bukannya disebabkan oleh perhimpunan itu sendiri. Sekiranya pemprotes dibenarkan untuk berhimpun atau berarak dengan pihak polis memantau keadaan bagi memastikan ianya aman, sudah tentu ia akan seleasai dengan cepat dan tanpa insiden.

Ya, sudah tentu ada jalan-jalan yang akan ditutup disebabkan oleh demonstrasi tersebut. Tetapi jalan-jalan ditutup tiap-tiap hari atas pelbagai alasan. Kuala Lumpur adalah bandar yang dinamik dan bertenaga, pasti ada sahaja acara yang dilangsungkan yang mewajibkan penutupan jalan. Perarakan Maulidur Rasul dan Thaipusam juga menyebabkan kesulitan kepada orang rami, adakah ini bermakna kedua-dua perarakan tersebut harus diharamkan?

Tetapi negara ini bukan dimiliki oleh beberapa ribu orang yang berdemonstrasi, ianya dimiliki oleh 27 juta orang!, ada yang berhujah. Demokrasi menyatakan bahawa hak majoriti harus mengungguli hak minoriti.

Ini merupakan pemahaman songsang sesetengah pihak tentang demokrasi. Demokrasi tidak menghalalkan kezaliman majoriti terhadap minoriti dan tidak bermaksud bahawa hak minoriti harus diketepikan atau dinafikan. Demokrasi bukanla! h ma joritarianism. Malahan, ianya menjadi tuntutan demokrasi supaya minoriti diberikan hak untuk menyuarakan bantahan mereka dan ianya harus diberikan pertimbangan yang sewajarnya.

Saya bukanlah peminat demonstrasi jalanan. Ramai yang berkongsi sentimen dengan saya. Tetapi, walau apapun pendapat peribadi kita tentangnya, kita tidak boleh menafikan hak mereka yang ingin berdemonstrasi di tempat awam. Kita tidak boleh memberitahu mereka bahawa mereka seharusnya memprotes di sebuah stadium atau dewan, contohnya. Siapakah kita untuk menentukan bagaimana mereka mahu mengamalkan hak mereka? Sudah tiba masanya kita mendukung Perlembagaan itu secara menyeluruh dan bukan hanya memilih untuk mengagungkan peruntukan yang memberi manfaat atau kelebihan kepada kita.

*rencana ini adalah merupakan adaptasi rencana asal di dalam bahasa Inggeris yang diterbitkan di dalam aplikasi iPad the Star pada 16 Disember 2010.

Syahredzan Johan adalah seorang peguam muda. Dia sudah lama tidak menulis untuk LoyarBurok, walaupun nukilannya di dalam bahasa Inggeris boleh dibaca di dalam aplikasi iPad the Star pada setiap dua minggu.

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Tags: amerika, Egypt, FRU, kebebasan berhimpun, kedutaan, kejam, klcc, masjid, mesir, mubarak, Perkara 10(1), Perlembagaan Persekutuan, POLIS, Syahredzan Johan, US, zalim

This entry was posted on 5 February, 2011 at 11:00 am and is filed under Bolehland. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed.


Propaganda UMNO dan Mubarak Sama Sahaja

Dalam percubaan terakhir beliau mahu mempertahan kuasa, Mubarak memberi jaminan mahu mengembalikan kestabilan kepada negara Mesir.

MAsaalahnya, sebelum ini, kestabilan yang dikecapi oleh rakyat Mesir adalah melalui penyiksaaan tahanan, korupsi, nepotisma, kronisma, kebuluran dan sebagainya.

Saya teringat sewaktu kita mengadakan Himpunan Bersih sebelum 2008. UMNO dengan otomatik menubuh kita cuba mencetuskan huru-hara dan keadaan tidak stabil.

Padahal, protes BERSIH itu dilakukan kerana pihak SPR bersikap TIDAK ADIL dan BERAT SEBELAH. SPR telah menjadi parti komponen Barisan Nasional yang ketigabelas.

Baik Mubarak mahupun UMNO, mereka menjual idea kestabilan kerana mereka mahu rakyat negara masing-masing menerima segala yang dilakukan oleh mereka tanpa soal. Bila kita protes dan marah, mereka tuduh kita mahu mencetuskan huru hara.

Namun, apabila kita ikut mereka, kita terus menerus dirompak dan ditipu oleh mereka. Harga barang makin naik, pendapatan kita tidak berubah, pemikiran kita terus dikongkong.

Itu yang di Malaysia, rakyat Malaysia terpaksa bayar tol semata-mata mahu menyelamatkan Bangunan PWTC dari dilelong oleh Bank Bumiputra.

Sebagai penutup, sedarlah. Apabila UMNO atau MUbarak menyebut perkataan "kestabilan", mereka hanya mahu kita mengikut telunjuk mereka tanpa soal supaya mereka boleh terus merampok kekayaan negara untuk kroni-kroni mereka sahaja.

Tulang Besi


Najib did the APCO way......

The truth is always out there. Prime Minister Najib Razak is learning this painfully slow after efforts to finish Anwar politically by ensuring he has no standing left internationally backfired.

Najib's desperation in wanting to keep Anwar, the former prime minister who found the tables turned on him after he was charged with sodomy and corruption during the Dr Mahathir Mohamad regime, was no match for Anwar's determination to return and that too with a vengence. Anwar's modus operandi was simple - reform the people's mindset which in turn will lead to a paradigm shift in the country' administration. To an extent, Anwar tasted success and this was what frightened Najib.

Realising Anwar's following, Najib realised desperate times called for desperate measures, hence the latter's tie-up with Apco Worldwide, Najib's New-York based strategic communications firm. Acting as the puppet master behind Najib's foreign policies, Apco's work was cut out for it - 'terminate' Anwar by hook or crook. Najib is determined to get rid of Anwar at all costs, so much so that he was willing to pay propaganda firm Apco any amount. And in August 2009 this PR and rebranding company set foot in Malaysia, establishing office in Kuala Lumpur. As predicted, Apco's first client was Najib's administration.

With his spin-masters in place, Najib perhaps was relieved, presuming the task of closing the Anwar Ibrahim chapter would be easier. To Apco, what better way to mislead Malaysians into justifying its existence in KL other than for its president and chief executive officer Margery Kraus to display the firm's spin-doctor skills by saying: As Malaysia moves forward, the government wants to ensure that it is able to provi! de infor mation to the public quickly and transparently, making use of all relevant new technologies. "Our team in Kuala Lumpur will include seasoned professionals from many countries, including Malaysia, who are on the cutting edge of new media. They will work to assist in strengthening the governments online and other strategic communication capabilities to speed the delivery of accurate information to the media and public.

If indeed transparency was Najib's concern, it certainly did not show when he decided to turn bloggers and news portals as scapegoats, accusing them of producing lies which can cause the Barisan Nasional yet another setback in the coming general election, to rationale why he wanted to amend the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984.

Manipulating truth the Najib-Apco way

When Anwar claimed that Apco had connections with Israel and had helped re-brand Malaysia along the same lines it had Israel through the 1Israel concept, Home Minister Hishamuddin Hussein challenged the opposition leader to furnish proof over this claim. And in a typical 'shoot the messenger' attitude, Anwar faced six months suspension from Parliament. "Expose it. What is Anwar afraid of?" was Hishamuddin's retort.

More spinning came when on July 10 last year Umno-controlled Utusan Malaysia claimed Anwar had paid CNN to interview him. Anwar decided enough was enough and demanded an apology from the newspaper. Anwar also decided to file a defamation suit and demanded RM50 million in compensation should the Malay daily refuse to apologise within seven days. Utusan reported that Anwar paid CNN in a bid to restore the confidence of Jewish lobbyists in Washington. The daily went so far as to quote an article written by Joshua Trevino in the The New Ledger who said the interview was staged to fulfil Anwars mission. Trevino further alleged that CNNs Connector of the Day interview on July 2 was tame in questioning Anwars anti-Zionist rhetoric! .

To Anwar's detractors, it was easier to believe that his visit to the United States was an 'apologetic' move after Anwar accused Najib's government of having ties with Apco which in turn had links to the Isreali government. Umno vice-president Mohd Shapie Apdal was all taken in by the Utusan story saying it was not surprising for Anwar to pay CNN adding that Anwar would do anything to become prime minister. While Najib's spin masters worked overtime to nail Anwar's coffin, it was not long before CNN came out and denied ever having received any payment from Anwar, saying Trevino's report was fabricated. - Jeswan Kaur.

source:malaysia chronicles

cheers.

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