Senator T Murugiah claims he is a victim of a damaging SMS that alleges he had ties with the main suspect in the murder of Sosilawati Lawiya.Letter & Opinion From Joe Public
Pakatan Rakyat (PR) Social Political Buzz & Bulls
VIDEO Murugiah: Sosilawati SMS to smear my reputation
Senator T Murugiah claims he is a victim of a damaging SMS that alleges he had ties with the main suspect in the murder of Sosilawati Lawiya.Letter & Opinion From Joe Public
The Village Blacksmith: For the Ordinary Fellow
September 21, 2010
The Village Blacksmith: In Honour of the Ordinary Fellow
This was one of the poems my late mother read to me when I was growing up. It is about a kind, religious and hardworking man. The last stanza has special meaning to me. Henry Longfellow is brilliant in capturing the spirit of this simple man who has plenty to teach us about the simple life. I shall quote it here as a constant reminder to me at least of what life is all about.
Thanks, thanks to thee, my worthy friend,
For the lesson thou hast taught!
Thus at the flaming forge of life
Our fortunes must be wrought;
Thus on its sounding anvil shaped
Each burning deed and thought!
Perhaps we can learn a thing or two from this poem.Din Merican
The Village Blacksmith
by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow
Under a spreading chestnut tree
The village smithy stands;
The smith, a mighty man is he,
With large and sinewy hands;
And the muscles of his brawny arms
Are strong as iron bands.
His hair is crisp, and black, and long,
His face is like the tan;
His brow is wet with honest sweat,
He earns whateer he can,
And looks the whole world in the face,
For he owes not any man.
Week in, week out, from morn till night,
You can hear his bellows blow;
You can hear him swing his heavy sledge,
With measured beat and slow,
Like a sexton ringing the village bell,
When the evening sun is low.
And children coming home from school
Look in at the open door;
They love to see the flaming forge,
And hear the bellows roar,
And catch the burning sparks that fly
Like chaff from a threshing-floor.
He goes on Sunday to the church,
And sits among his boys
He hears the parson pray and preach,
He hears his daughters voice,
Singing in the village choir,
And it makes his heart rejoice.
It sounds to him like her mothers voice! ,
Sin ging in Paradise!
He needs must think of her once more,
How in the grave she lies;
And with his hard, rough hand he wipe
A tear out of his eyes.
Toiling,rejoicing,sorrowing,
Onward through life he goes;
Each morning sees some task begin,
Each evening sees it close;
Something attempted, something done,
Has earned a nights repose.
Thanks, thanks to thee, my worthy friend,
For the lesson thou hast taught!
Thus at the flaming forge of life
Our fortunes must be wrought;
Thus on its sounding anvil shaped
Each burning deed and thought!
Letter & Opinion From Joe Public
More on Nazri Aziz
September 21, 2010
Nazri Aziz: Undercutting much of the Oppositionspeake
by Sakmongkol AK47
Known in Parliament as Chief
Nazri Aziz, the man who I called UMNOs Wyatt Earp, is an enigma. How do we handle him?Supporters of Dr. Mahathir would like to hang him by his testicles, if they can. He once called Ibrahim Ali his friend or BNs friend. But he will not hesitate to mix it up with Ibrahim Ali if the situation demands it.
I dont agree with the vitriol and caustic retorts he gave Dr Mahathir as I think they are not civil. And I will not hesitate to slam him for that. But lately, he has redeemed himself over so many things.
What he has said over the last few months seems to have earned him grudging admiration. To me, it proves one thing- which is very important; all UMNO and BN leaders need to do, is to show some leadership to lessen the oppositions credibility. By speaking politically correct things, he is undercutting much of the Oppositionspeake.Nazri has been a consistent Rottweilerish critic of Tun Mahathir. He has spoken against the seemingly racist headmistress even though, I believe he hasnt got all the facts. He has shown gumption when other UMNO and BN leaders were timorous souls.
He has spoken against the capital punishment or the death sentence saying that is inherently wrong for 
another person to take anothers life. Whether he is correct or not, that is another matter. He seems to embrace as morally wrong for the state to take anothers life. It would be interesting to see how he sees another person- not a state entity, takes anothers life.
Most important, he has been an unwavering supporter of the 1 Malaysia concept. Per! haps amo ng the many UMNO leaders, he is the only one who understands what 1 Malaysia is. For that, the UMNO president calls him brother. Others call him chief. Maybe Najib needs more people like him in the cabinet after all. If Najib is wimpish, he needs others to provide him with the sinew to his bones.
Letter & Opinion From Joe Public
Selangor - the battleground for Malaysia's future.....
In most ways, Selangor and its politics cannot help but set the tone for Malaysian governance in the years to come. The federation succeeds or fails, depending on what happens in this key state. One could go so far as to claim that the nature of Malaysian federalism itself depends on how Selangor governance will develop over the next few years, how that will strengthen the Pakatan Rakyat in its bid to take federal power, and to what extent decentralisation of power will define Pakatan Rakyat's federal politics.Geographically, Selangor is centrally situated; economically, it is the richest; development-wise, it is the most advanced; demographically, it is the fastest growing; and politically, it is the jewel in the crown for any party hoping to control the federation. Its industrial infrastructure is also the best in the country.
All this has led to a powerful influx of labour of all skill levels into the Klang Valley over the last 40 years. This is of course reflected in the enormous investments that has come into the region from the private, public and foreign sectors. Whether Malaysians like it or not, economic growth relies on urbanisation and the free flow of labour, and although what is termed 'agriculture' contributes greatly to the state's economy, this sector is based largely on agricultural industries such as palm oil and rubber.
The first cut
Selangor came into being in 1766 as a sultanate neighbouring an apprehensive Dutch-controlled Malacca. It was centred on Kuala Selangor, and was peopled by Bugis immigrants settled in a region earlier populated by Minangkabaus from across the Straits. As in the case of Penang slightly to the north 20 years later and Singapore half a century hence, huge numbers of migrant peop! les soon moved into Selangor. This trend brought into being stable polities that exhibited strong political dynamism and enviable economic acumen.
It was in Selangor that the Alliance model of politics was born in the early 1950s, which made it possible for the British to convince themselves that they could pull out and not leave their rich Malayan holdings to the communists. Kuala Lumpur was chosen as the new country's capital, and yet no Malaysian prime minister has emerged from this 'Abode of Sincerity' (Darul Ehsan). It was also in Selangor that the country's worst racial riots broke out on May 13, 1969. And it was in order to nullify the possibility that this important state headed by a sultan would once again run the risk of falling to the non-Malay opposition that the central government of the day administratively cut Kuala Lumpur away from Selangor on Feb 1, 1974 to be controlled centrally as a federal territory.
This left the population of the capital with a one-tier democracy, allowing them only the right to vote for parliament. Back in those days, Kuala Lumpur was very much a non-Malay city, and such considerations were important to the delicate balance of power. Forty years down the road things have indeed changed greatly and 'the best laid schemes of mice and men', not to mention of central governments, have unravelled in many complex ways. The demographics alone tell an exciting story.
Resistant to racial politics
Between 1995 and 2000, 131,400 people from Kuala Lumpur moved out into Selangor to join 13,000 other immigrants from other states, especially from Perak, Johor, Pahang, Kelantan and Pahang. Interestingly, Selangor was the only state in Malaysia, aside from Pahang where the figure is dropping, to show net immigration by 2000. Figures from that year show that two out of seven persons registered in th! e state had migrated from elsewhere. These figures alone go some way towards providing the socio-economic reasons for the new political trends that became undeniable on Mar 8, 2008. We are seeing a concentration of young people of all races moving very quickly into the most lucrative part of Malaysia.
The grounds for success for Pakatan Rakyat parties in Selangor are therefore as much socio-economic as they are ideological. Indeed, the two are hard to separate at this point. Not only does the urban and migratory nature of Selangor's population make things difficult for systems based on patronage that the BN had been fostering, the fact that more than half of Selangor's constituencies are racially mixed weakens campaigns propounding racialist and ethnocentric thought.
In 2000, Muslims - meaning Malays - actually made up 53.3 percent of the population in urban areas. No doubt, three out of four rural people were from the Muslim community, but if one considers the fact that the urban population grew by 62 percent during the 1990s, and the rural population by 21.1 percent, the trend is clear. Aside from important factors such as the growth of the Internet and the lack of capable leaders in the BN, one has to draw the conclusion that the federal government was unable to read the changed situation or respond adequately to it. Even after March 2008, it has failed to counteract the opposition with a credible discourse, and the measures taken to oppose the new Selangor government have not been in the realm of positive discourse.
Pakatan must assess weaknesses
Of the five states won by opposition parties in March 2008, the case of Selangor holds extra significance because of i! ts centr ality where economic development, demographic concentration, urbanisation, inter-ethnic relations and political fervency are concerned. Penang, Kelantan and Kedah are fringe states with conditions that are not typical of the rest of the country, while Perak lacks economic significance. Selangor's fate is bound to decide the future of the country in a profound manner.
The major challenges the Selangor government has had to face stem from several sources. This has strengthened the conviction in its ranks that the Pakatan must win the next general election if things are to change dramatically on all fronts. However, what seems he most effective way of ensuring victory next time around is for each state run by the Pakatan to structure policies, arguments and visions that the public can easily respond to. To do that, Pakatan parties have to do some serious soul-searching and consider their internal weaknesses.
Four outstanding issues present themselves.
First, Pakatan Rakyat inherited a sustained administrative system and a public economy based on patronage, privilege and political contacts, where many civil servants continue to identify themselves with the old regime, and consider the new government as an aberration. The power that the federal government still exerts at ground level despite having lost state elections has been a painful lesson for Pakatan parties and for the people who voted for them. How this is to be handled is a major concern for the Pakatan Rakyat state governments.
Second, there is inexperience in Pakatan's rank and file where the running of a government is concerned, that significantly includes a tendency to underestimate the might of the federal government. This weakness can be overcome over time through experiences that are being gained, but also through a concerted effort to better the qualit! y of Pak atan leaders. The painful decision of letting old loyalists go is being postponed in many cases and is damaging Pakatan's reputation. The fear of legislators joining the BN if offended is a major problem.
Third, there is the lack of a unifying ideology, especially within PKR, many of whose members came into maturity in the BN school of politics. PAS had problems initially withstanding the lure of 'Malay unity' that the Umno dangled before some of its members. This issue seems to be shelved for the moment. While agreeing on a common platform is a start, it is still critical for Pakatan parties to reach a more compact consensus on issues of secularism and rule of law, if its image is to transcend the public suspicion that its politics may be merely tactical and expedient.
Fourth, the fact that political opposition in Malaysia had for a long time been a self-sacrificial undertaking has created a 'street-fighting culture' among non-BN politicians and parties. Party discipline is therefore a regular problem. Over the last two years, Pakatan Rakyat leaders have also had difficulties changing their behaviour and image from being oppositional in character to being credible policymakers. One major challenge for each party will be how they can convince their rank and file to be more inclusive. The DAP has to appear less Chinese in character, the PKR has to appear less of a collection point for the discontented from all schools, and PAS has to appear more concerned with humanitarian ideals than religious correctness.
Over the last two years, Selangor's Pakatan government has been able to show in many instances that it understands what is required of it. Aside from consolidating the three parties into a credible alternative ! to the B N coalition, it was compelled to showcase policy measures that differentiate it essentially from the practices and most importantly, the ethics of its predecessor. No doubt, this had seemed an easy job to do given the excesses of the previous regime under Mohd Khir Toyo.
Adopting best practices
The future of the Pakatan does depend greatly on Selangor, the testing ground for the Malay-led multiracial PKR. Its measures must therefore not only clear the ground for a stable two-coalition political system, it must also adopt best practices evident in successful governance models in other countries. The move to register Pakatan as single political party with a common policy platform has been welcomed by many, although there are worries among some that such a move of simplifying the opposition into an apparent united entity on too many fronts may shape Pakatan into a mirror image of the BN in the long run.
Another example of a highly visible and effective measure aimed at defining the government's ethos is the special Select Committee on Competence, Accountability and Transparency (Selcat) it founded in May 2008.This aims to enhance transparency. The initiative taken by the PKR to bring dubious courses held by the National Civic Bureau (Biro Tatanegara or BTN) into public discussion is perhaps the move that has gained the Selangor government a lot of credit and credibility. It had been an open secret for decades that these courses were propagating Umno racialist ideology on a national scale.
The ambition to realise a Freedom of Information enactment is also popularly received and eagerly awaited. It is already becoming common for members of the public to call for the release of all sorts of public documents, showing increased interest and knowledge among the ublic in matters of governance. Such moves can no doubt run foul of federal legislatio! n such a s the Official Secrets Act, and even the Internal Security Act, but Selangor is pushing the limits both from within the government and from a public happily participating in the new and evolving mass media.
No mere testing ground
Selangor also has the initiative where the separation of powers at the state level is concerned. It is striving to enact a law that will make the state assembly independent of the state government and its administrators. Such an achievement will be difficult for other states to ignore. Indeed, that is the essence of politics in this transitory stage in Malaysia's history, and that occurs behind the common rhetoric pronounced in the mass media. Policymaking competition is the name of the game, and with the help of the new media, this can be watched and judged by a large and interested public, unlike in the old days when the flow of information was strictly controlled by the BN government.
Since many of Malaysia's ills are often blamed on the New Economic Policy that had survived 20 years longer than originally planned, the Pakatan's alternative of a needs-based programme has to be worked out in detail and publicly discussed. Given the special position that Selangor commands it is not merely the testing ground for future nationwide policies. It is where new solutions must evolve and where second chances will be rare. Any failure on its part to respond to the wishes of the somewhat fickle electorate and to new economic challenges will have grave repercussions on the country's ability to manage globally. The most serious issue to consider when the next general election comes around is how much decentralisation of federal power Pakatan will publicly wish for.
The chances for state! power t o be amplified vis--vis the centre will increase if an agreement is reached between the three parties before going into the election, than if the matter were left to be decided after an eventual taking of federal power. One of the greatest worries that voters have about the Pakatan's federal ambitions is that it will retain much of the centralist model of BN.
In which case even if its policies were more transparent they would not be more democratic since the need for consensus between the three parties would compromise the goals of each party, and consequently the freedom of the individual states. These uncertain times when the federal government retains power but is unable to go on a convincing campaign to win back voters, and the opposition, though impressively strengthened, has to bide its time at the state level, develop its governing skills and knowledge about public administration, and recruit and train a better breed of personnel, is therefore a period of innovation, learning and soul-searching.
Of all the Pakatan-ruled states, it is Selangor that can set the tone. Indeed, it is Selangor that is on the frontline where the battle between the 'old politics' of race and patronage and the 'new politics' built on international best practices is being fought. So far, the new is not doing too badly. - Ooi Kee Beng
source:malaysiakini
cheers.
Letter & Opinion From Joe Public
Guan Eng warns of Perkasa "dehumanizing" Malaysians
| Guan Eng - Perkasa dehumanizing Malaysians |
Lim said that recent statements made by top Umno leaders urging the party to continue co-operating with Perkasa and all Malay NGOs that champion Malay and Bumiputera rights “reinforced Umno’s role of backing Perkasa.”
“The statement by Tan Sri Adam Kadir, the President of the Organisation of Former Umno Elected Representatives (Penawar) urging UMNO to continue its co-operation with Perkasa and all Malay NGOs that champion Malay and Bumiputera rights as enshrined Federal constitution reinforces UMNO’s role of backing the racist Perkasa. 1 Malaysia and BN’s consensus spirit are irrelevant as long as UMNO and BN fully support the racist Perkasa,” said Lim in a statement today.
Yesterday Penawar urged Datuk Seri Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor to apologise after the Umno secretary-general criticised Perkasa as racists, and followed Perkasa’s call in urging Umno to sack Tengku Adnan if he refused to apologise.
Today, Lim berated Perkasa for “claiming” to uphold Article 153 of the Federal Constitution as according to him, the Malay rights group only supported racist statements that were never sanctioned under the country’s constitution.
“How can Perkasa claim not to be racist and only fighting to uphold Article 153 of the Federal Constitution when they support racist statements that Chinese should go back to China and their women sell their bodies whereas Indians are beggars and dogs. I have checked and rechecked through Article 153 of the Federal Constitution and there is nothing stated in Article 153 that gives any one special rights to describe Chinese whose women sell their bodies and should go back to China, Indians as beggars or are dogs,” said Lim.
Umno appears to be divided on whether to associate or alienate the party for the controversial Malay rights group.
Several Umno leaders including Pulai MP Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed and Umno Youth Cheif Khairy Jamaluddin have claimed that the party was not bowing to Perkasa’s demands.
But other leaders like Umno deputy permanent chairman Datuk Mohamed Aziz have said that there was no need for Umno to distance itself from Perkasa, and that if there were Umno leaders who felt that way, it was their personal views and did not reflect the party’s stand.
“What is surprising however is that this support and the Perkasa mentality is prevalent even amongst all component parties of BN as explained by Tengku Adnan in The Malaysian Insider on Perkasa: ‘When we had a meeting with BN secretaries-general, we never talked even a little bit that we wanted to distance ourselves from anybody.’
“Clearly all the BN component parties like MCA are just playing a big “sandiwara” opposing Perkasa outside when inside meetings, they keep silent and submissively support UMNO’s pro-Perkasa position. BN component parties should explain why they keep silent inside BN meetings and dare not demand BN oppose Perkasa, yet talk big outside,” added Lim.
Datuk Seri Najib Razak said last Friday that Umno was not in conflict with any non-governmental organisations despite the recent move by party leaders to distance it from Perkasa.
Shortly after that, Tengku Adnan said that he had never asked party members to sever ties with Perkasa, denying an earlier statement where he was reported to have said that the country’s largest Malay party will not back Perkasa in the next general election and that the right-wing group was corroding the party’s non-Malay support.
Lim, who is also DAP secretary-general claimed that the Perkasa mentality in BN was “dangerous” as it had resulted in “public and open denigration of non-Malays”, in reference to the Kulai school principal who was accused of uttering racist remarks to students during a school program.
“Dehumanizing Malaysians with contemptuous language and hate is extremely dangerous. This is what Hitler and Pol Pot has done to pursue their political agenda by dehumanizing the minorities within their population.
“If Perkasa, supported by UMNO and BN, succeeds in dehumanizing Malaysians, it is but a small step from preaching and even justifying mass violence. That is why Malaysians must stand up for peace and respect by uniting against the racism and extremism of hate as embodied not only by Perkasa but also against those that support Perkasa,” added the DAP secretary-general.
Private Investment (RM1.38 trillion) to Boost Malaysian Economy: Where the Money?
September 21, 2010
Private Investment to boost Malaysian Economy: Where is money coming from?
Malaysia today unveiled ambitious plans to boost its economy by mobilising hundreds of billions of dollars of
Where is the money coming from?
private investment, although questions remained over whether the money would materialise.
The plans ranged from a new mass transit system to relieve congestion in the capital, Kuala Lumpur, to building a huge oil storage facility next to neighbouring Singapore to form a regional oil products trading hub.
A government think-tank said it had identified investments worth US$444 billion (RM1.38 trillion) over 10 years, of which 60 per cent would come from the private sector, 32 per cent from government-linked companies and 8 percent from government.
The investment aims to double per capita income and push Malaysia into the ranks of developed nations by 2020, rebalancing Asias third most export-driven economy towards domestic demand and the service sector.
The plan does not provide a clear sense of where the money is coming from. A lot of these numbers are pie in the sky, said Bridget Welsh, a Malaysia specialist at Singapore Management University.
Malaysia is competing for investment with other fast-growing countries in Southeast Asia and neighbouring Indonesia recently unveiled plans to boost infrastructure too. In the past 10 years, private companies invested just RM535 billion, according to official data and Malaysias private investment rate of around 10 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) is among the lowest in Asia and a third the level it was before the 1998 Asian financial crisis.
The government, which in 2009 ran its biggest budget deficit in 20 years as a percentage of GDP, contributes around ! half the investment in Malaysia and the Minister in charge of presenting the investment plans said the new targets were credible.
Pie in the Sky Figures for Private Investment
I dont think the government would publish a document that thick if there is no political will. Its a risky strategy to expose yourself so publicly when you have no plan to do it, Datuk Seri Idris Jala told a public presentation on the plans.
The plan relies heavily on domestic capital as foreign direct investment in this country which in the early 1990s accounted for almost 40 per cent of the Southeast Asian total accounted for just 3.8 per cent in 2009, according to United Nations data.
Malaysian companies like leading bank CIMB and telco Axiata have started building a regional presence in large, fast growing countries, such as Indonesia. Economists warned without a new policy framework to encourage investment the Malaysian plans would be hard to realise.
It will be difficult to achieve the private investment growth target set by the government if there are no additional tax incentives given to the focus sectors, said Gundy Cahyadi, regional economist at investment bank, OCBC.
The plans aim to create another 3.3 million jobs by 2020, many in the high-value service sectors such as Islamic finance. Idris said 46 per cent of the new jobs would be middle-class.
Despite churning out tens of thousands of graduates, Malaysias education system has failed to deliver and is becoming increasingly polarised by arguments over language between the majority Malay population and minorities such as the large ethnic Chinese population.
The government think-tank that designed todays investment plan said that in 2003 Malaysia had just 21,000 finance and accounting professionals qualified to be employed by m! ulti-nat ional companies compared with 341,000 in India and 127,000 in the Philippines.
How can you create middle-class jobs when you do not have an education system that works, said Singapore Management Universitys Welsh.
There is also policy risk in Malaysia. Recent plans for a radical overhaul of the countrys costly subsidy regime proposed by the same think-tank that outlined the investment plans were shot down by government politicians who feared unpopularity. Reuters
Letter & Opinion From Joe Public
'Backdoor' victory: Mansor must thank Anwar
PERMATANG PAUH: Penang PKR chief Mansor Othman, who avoided a potential embarassment at the Permatang Pauh division polls, must be grateful to party supremo Anwar Ibrahim.
If not for the opposition leader and Permatang Pauh MP's timely intervention, the Penang deputy chief minister could be licking his wounds due to a defeat in the contest for division deputy chief.
The division is headed by Anwar's wife and PKR president Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
As expected, Anwar denied pressuring Che Mat Hashim, the outgoing incumbent deputy chief, to withdraw his candidacy at the eleventh hour.
But many PKR members do not believe this.
“If not for Anwar, Che Mat would not have withdrawn,” they insisted.
Sunday's contest was described as a David and Goliath match-up between the high profile Mansor, also the Penanti assemblyman and Che Mat, who is known to locals as “Pak Tam”.
'Defeat would have been a slap in the face'
Mansor shifted his party membership to Permatang Pauh some three months ago to be closer with his constituents after relinquishing his chairman post in the Balik Pulau division.
Originally, the deputy chairman contest could have been a three-cornered fight when division secretary Roselai Muhamad joined the fray, only to withdraw later following strong persuasion by Anwar.
Though he started as the favourite due to his positions and closeness to Anwar, Mansor found it tough in this semi urban constituency as local sentiments against an “outsider” were strong.
But the much anticipated political battle turned out to be an anti-climax when Che Mat faxed his withdrawal letter to the party headquarters on Saturday night, citing deteriorating health condition as the reason.
Party insiders had predicted an upset win for Che Mat, 63.
Their argument gained ground when teacher Alias Said from Che Mat’s camp drew 127 votes to defeat nearest challenger from Mansor’s camp, incumbent Zainal Abidin Saad, who received 72 votes. Third contestant Ramli Bulat came in third with 20 votes.
Apart from this, all nominees from Mansor’s faction lost in the 15 elected-member committee contest, which were all won by Che Mat’s camp.
'Democracy sacrificed to safeguard a leader's ego'
Mansor, 60, could have lost his legitimacy as state party chief if he had lost in the contest and this would have rendered a blow to his amibition of becoming an elected vice-president.
Anwar did not want this fate to befall the man he had handpicked as deputy chief minister. A defeat for Mansor in Permatang Pauh would have been a slap in the face for Anwar.
However, several local pundits claimed that Mansor could take little pride in a “backdoor” victory orchestrated by Anwar.
Political commentator Amizudin Ahmat, known as Din Binjai to the folks here, urged Anwar to take note of Mansor’s “battered” political standing among the people of Permatang Pauh.
“The democratic process and people’s will have been sacrificed just to protect a leader’s ego,” summed up another local observer in his blog Anak Sungai Derhaka.
The division chief Wan Azizah, and incumbent youth chief Amir Ghazali, also the state PKR youth leader, have retained their respective positions unchallenged.
Sarina Hashim became the new women’s wing chief uncontested, replacing outgoing Khatijah Yahaya.
Results from other contests
Meanwhile, a state representative and two councillors lost, while a councillor triumphed in three other PKR divisional polls held on Sunday.
Bukit Tengah elected representative Ong Chin Wen lost to Abu Mansor Md Noor for the Batu Kawan deputy chairman post. The outgoing division youth chief Ong drew 120 votes against Mansor’s 142.
For the youth wing chief contest, Dr Rajen Naidu got 77 votes to defeat councillor in Seberang Perai Municipality (MPSP) Goh Choon Aik, who received 52 votes.
For the women’s wing chief post, Dr Joyce Lee Yueh Choo got 46 votes to see off incumbent Asmah Sultan, who garnered 33 votes.
Incumbent chairman Law Choo Liang, also a Pakatan Rakyat state government executive councillor and Bukit Tambun assemblyman, retained his post unopposed, while Naserruddin Abdullah was elected unopposed as the new vice-chairman.
In Kepala Batas, incumbent division chairman and MPSP councillor Zaini Awang lost to his close friend Abdul Latif Abdullah by only five votes. Zaini gained 88 votes against Latif’s 93.
For the deputy chairman post, challenger Ab Rahman Romli secured 89 votes to unseat incumbent Adnan Jamaluddin who got 74 votes, while in the heated vice-chairman battle, P Gunasekaran garnered 90 votes to see off Goon Weng Him by a single vote margin.
Mohd Azhar Che Saad won unchallenged the division youth chief post while there was no contest for the women wing chief post. The new leadership would appoint a women leader soon.
In the Bagan divsion, incumbent chairman and MPSP councillor Ahmad Farid Md Arshad received 69 votes to beat division secretary Mohd Mahzlan Md Ghani (29 votes) and Lim Yeong Li (15 votes).
For the youth chief post, Steven Tan Nee Aik secured 36 votes to defeat Ahmad Johaniff Mohd Majidin who got 11 votes.
For other positions, incumbents deputy chairman Abu Othman Abu Hassan and vice-chairman lawyer P Prabhakaran were returned unopposed, while Siti Hajar Abdul Hamid was elected unchallenged as the new women leader, replacing outgoing Rohaya Zakaria.
After Perkasa flip-flop, Najib U-turns on racism zero-tolerance?
 |
| Najib - more reversals expected |
Just days after back-tracking on ultra-Malay rights group Perkasa, viewed by many as extremists, Prime Minister Najib Razak appears to be also U-turning on his zero-tolerance policy for racism.
Not only has his administration failed to take action against two school principals for hurling racial slurs at their non-Malay pupils, one of them has returned to work at her Kedah school.
“The school principal in Kedah has returned to her posting although the parents and the Malaysian public have been given to understand that she would be transferred away – as if nothing serious had happened, making a total mockery of Najib’s “zero tolerance for racism” declaration,” DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang said in his blog.
All eyes on the Cabinet
Indeed many had expected the government to announce the findings of a special task force after the Hari Raya holidays. The task force was established by Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who is also the Education minister, to probe into the incidents.
Last month, both teachers had created a huge public outcry after news broke they had told their Chinese pupils to go back to China. One of them even likened the Indians to dogs. The brouhaha started with Siti Inshah Mansor, a Johor school principal, who said in a speech at her school that:
“Pelajar-pelajar Cina tidak diperlukan dan boleh balik ke China ataupun Sekolah Foon Yew. Bagi pelajar India, tali sembahyang yang diikat di pergelangan tangan dan leher pelajar nampak seakan anjing dan hanya anjing akan mengikat seperti itu.”
“Chinese students are not needed and can go back to China or Foon Yew School. As for the Indian students, the prayer strings that they wear around their wrists and necks make them look like dogs and only dogs are chained up like that.”
A few days after that incident, the Kedah principal hurled similar slurs at her Chinese pupils after she found them eating during the fasting month - on the basis that they were disrespecting Ramadan.
"All eyes will be on the Cabinet meeting tomorrow – not only on whether the Cabinet would take a stand to ensure that the two school principals who had made racial slurs against their students in school should be severely punished as an example to all education officers, but whether the Cabinet would at long last give full endorsement to Najib’s 1Malaysia policy with every Cabinet Minister declaring support for the 1Malaysia policy to create a Malaysian nation where every Malaysian regards himself or herself as Malaysian first and race second," said Kit Siang.
MCA, MIC, Gerakan's silence on 1Malaysia equality slammed
| BN under the spotlight |
Pakatan Rakyat leaders have expressed shock at the deafening silence from BN leaders, who have yet to respond to the statement from Umno secretary-general Tengku Adnan that 1Malaysia was not about racial equality.
“Their hesitation shows that they themselves do not understand what 1Malaysia is about and for that there is no one to blame but Prime Minister Najib Razak. At a more important level, it shows MCA, MIC and Gerakan are not willing to stand up for social justice. They are not willing to walk their talk,” PKR strategic director Tian Chua told Malaysia Chronicle.
No one has dared to ask for a clarification
Despite the sharp U-turn by Umno, none of the BN leaders have made any comments, let alone ask Tengku Adnan and Najib for an explanation.
| Ramon |
However, pundits have pointed that inclusivity was not the same as equality. Some civil society leaders have urged the PM to press on with reforms and not backpedal.
“The pace and speed of reforms will hinge on how clear the meaning of 1Malaysia is to everyone, including investors. It would be best if there is no delay in defining how extensive such a worthy goal is. Definitely, the people and the businesses would welcome greater clarity,” Ramon Navaratnam, past president of
Transparency International, told Malaysia Chronicle.
Lack of support even within Cabinet
Meanwhile, DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang has expressed disappointment that apart from Nazri, no other minister has been brave enough to make a similar declaration that he or she was Malaysian first.
"It has taken Nazri more than six months to respond to my challenge in Parliament in March this year to all Cabinet Ministers to declare that they are Malaysian first and race second. Surely, Malaysians do not have to wait for another six months before another Minister plucks up sufficient courage to follow Nazri to declare that he/she is Malaysian first and race second."
"It is precisely because Najib’s 1Malaysia concept has not found overwhelming support from his own Cabinet and government that there is so much back-stabbing, back-sliding, obstruction and even sabotage to the 1Malaysia policy from within the government." - MC
Adakah orang M'sia akan menjadi rakyat S'pura?
 |  |
| Written by Azmi Anuar |
Perenggan tentang satu rancangan radio di Singapura membuka mata. Program itu berhubung kenyataan Menteri Kanan Singapura, Goh Chok Tong bahawa kerajaan akan menghubungi kumpulan penduduk tetap yang terpilih di negara itu yang akan digalakkan mendapatkan taraf kerakyatan. Mengikut katanya, jika mereka tidak mahu menjadi rakyat negara tersebut, status penduduk tetap tidak akan diperbaharui. Program radio itu mendapat banyak panggilan daripada penduduk tetap negara tersebut terutama sekali yang berasal dari Malaysia mengkritik kenyataan Goh Chok Tong. Ramai di antara rakyat Malaysia yang disoal sama ada mereka akan memilih kerakyatan Singapura berbanding status penduduk tetap, menjawab mereka tidak akan memilih kerakyatan negara tersebut dengan memberi alasan bahawa keluarga mereka masih di Malaysia. Ada pemanggil yang menyatakan bahawa dia datang ke negara tersebut untuk mencari wang dan tertarik dengan taraf hidup yang lebih tinggi tetapi lambat-laun akan pulang juga ke negara asalnya. Seorang expatriat pula menyatakan bahawa sejumlah kecil sahaja expatriat yang akan menjadikan pulau kecil itu sebagai tempat tinggal tetap mereka walaupun pulau itu terkenal mewah dan makmur. Memang pelbagai alasan diberikan kenapa penduduk tetap tidak mahu menjadi rakyat jiran tetangga kita. Bukankah ini satu bukti kesetiaan dan cintanya rakyat Malaysia terhadap tanah air mereka sendiri walaupun kebanyakan daripada mereka yang berkerja di sana adalah dari kumpulan yang sering dilabel kaum pendatang? Bumiputera juga berhijrah Malahan pada masa ini, semakin banyak pula rakyat negara ini daripada kumpulan bumiputera yang mencari nafkah bukan sahaja di Singapura bahkan di negara-negara lain di dunia. Mereka berhijrah ke negeri orang bukan kerana tidak sayangkan tanah tumpah darah mereka tetapi keadaan negara pada masa ini seolah-olah mengusir mereka ke tempat lain. Situasi ini adalah yang sama dialami oleh negara-negara jiran kita yang menyaksikan ramai rakyat mereka bersusah-payah datang ke sini mencari rezeki. Ramai rakyat Malaysia walau ke hujung dunia pun masih tertambat hatinya ke negara kelahiran mereka. Keadaan dalam negeri sendiri banyak mempengaruhi keputusan mereka untuk ke luar negara. Memang mudah untuk yang berfikiran sempit melabel mereka yang ke luar negara sebagai pembelot, penderhaka atau sekurang-kurangnya tidak mengenang budi. Tetapi jika segala titik peluh mereka sering dipandang sinis, seolah-olah ada rencana besar mahu mengambil alih hak bumiputra, tentu sekali mereka yang ke luar negara berhak berbuat demikian. Kumpulan bukan bumiputra digalakkan menyumbang segala ikhtiar dan usaha mereka dalam proses pembangunan negara tetapi sumbangan dan penat lelah itu jarang sekali dinobatkan atau diberi penghargaan sewajarnya. Hanya konco-konco atau mereka yang mempunyai hubungan dengan pihak pemerintah diberi muka. Bagaimana pula nasib kumpulan menengah atau yang masih 'kais pagi makan pagi'? Kumpulan ini tidak terhad kepada bumiputera sahaja tetapi merangkumi semua. Oleh itu, tentu sekali apabila ada peluang mencari rezeki di tempat lain, ia tidak disia-siakan. Tempat lain memberi segala kemudahan dan peluang untuk maju terus. Berbekalkan usaha dan iltizam, kejayaan boleh dicapai tidak seperti di negara sendiri yang mewujudkan pelbagai kekangan dan halangan. Aset manusia membawa kejayaan Bilakah pemerintah akan sedar bahawa negara bukan sahaja kehilangan penduduk dari kumpulan yang dilabel 'pendatang' tetapi sedikit demi sedikit yang bukan pendatang pun, iaitu bumiputera tidak senang dengan keadaan semasa dan mengangkat kaki ke luar negara sebagai tanda protes. Memang hujan emas di negeri orang, lebih baik di negeri sendiri, tetapi sampai bilakah kita sanggup dibuai janji-janji kosong? Penduduk negara ini semakin berpandangan luas dan tidak mudah dikotak-katikkan oleh puak-puak yang mahukan kekayaan negara hanya untuk mereka dan yang bersekutu dengannya. Sampai bila kita akan dipandang remeh, seolah-olah masih anak-anak, dihujani dolak-dalik, alasan demi alasan. Kita semua adalah rakyat Malaysia, bukan pendatang. Kalau hendak bertegang urat tentang takrif siapa yang datang dulu ke tanah air ini, hanya Orang Asal yang berhak mendabik dada tanpa was-was. Pucuk pimpinan pada masa ini tidak menunjukkan kesungguhan menangani isu penghijrahan rakyat ke luar negara. Alangkah sedihnya bahawa mereka tidak sedar betapa negara kerugian besar. Manusia adalah aset paling berharga sesebuah negara. Lihat sahajalah jiran tetangga kita yang dikatakan hanya sebesar noktah. Aset manusia merekalah dan sebilangan besar adalah dari Malaysia yang membawa mereka ke mercu kejayaan. Tanpa apa-apa sumber hasil sendiri, mereka berjaya melangkau jauh ke depan, sebaris negara-negara maju yang lain. Malang sekali bagi kita, Malaysia semakin ketinggalan. Hasil negara entah ke mana, tidak dimanfaatkan sebaik-baiknya untuk semua golongan di serata pelusok dan daerah. Kita bertungkus-lumus membangunkan negara walaupun sumbangan kita tidak seberapa. Tentu sekali kita juga berhak menikmati hasilnya. Kita semua memang berhak ke atas kekayaan nagara ini. Bukan untuk golongan tertentu sahaja tetapi terbukti hanya peratusan kecil terus-menerus menikmati kemewahan dan tidak pula mereka rasa bersalah. Memang, perasaan bersalah itu tidak mungkin wujud dalam diri mereka kerana apa yang lebih penting ialah mengaut keuntungan sebanyak mungkin secepat mungkin selagi hayat masih ada. Tamak dan haloba itulah panduan hidup kumpulan ini. |
Membaca rencanaBy Bruno Manser Fund Logging giant avoids to mention Sarawak
By Bruno Manser Fund
Logging giant avoids to mention Sarawak Chief Minister Taib Mahmuds name on its website
MIRI, MALAYSIA. Samling Global (HKEX 3938), the Malaysian timber group that has been excluded from the Norwegian Government Pension Fund for grossly unethical conduct, has failed to respond on corruption allegations linking the group to Abdul Taib Mahmud, Chief Minister of the Malaysian state of Sarawak.
According to research published last month by Sarawak Report, Taib Mahmud had been given two multi-million-dollar mansions in Seattle, USA, for the price of just one US dollar by a company owned by Samling founder, Yaw Teck Seng, one of Malaysias richest men. The US property deal is likely to be linked to political favours granted by Taib to Samling in Sarawak.
With its control of approximately 1.4 million hectares of timber concessions in Sarawak, Samling is Malaysias largest timber concession holding company. Timber and plantation concessions in Sarawak are issued by one single individual only, Taib Mahmud, in his capacity as State Planning and Resource Management Minister.
It is interesting to note that, in its defence against the Norwegian Governments divestment decision, Samling Global carefully avoids to mention Taib Mahmuds name on its website.
While the group refers to a statement issued by the States Ministry of Planning and Resource Management, it avoids to say that the controversial Chief Minister himself had publicly defended Samling. Instead, Samling merely writes that the minister (i.e. Taib) had commended Samling on its commitment to sustainable forestry practices and corporate social responsibility efforts! .
Taib Mahmud has recently come under fire, following a series of disclosures on the Taib familys overseas property empire, estimated to be worth several hundred million US dollars. It is generally assumed that Taibs overseas properties have been funded with the proceeds of corruption and the abuse of public funds.
- Ends -
Sources:www.samling.com,www.sarawakreport.org
Picture 1: Mansion at 1117 Boylston Avenue East, Seattle, USA a gift from Samling founder Yaw Teck Seng to the Sarawak Chief Minister Taib Mahmud
Picture 2: Mansion at 2222 Everett Avenue East, Seattle, USA another gift from Yaw Teck Seng to Taib Mahmud
Picture 3: Interior of Taibs mansion at 1117 Boylston Avenue East, Seattle
Picture 4: Portrait of Taib Mahmud and his late wife Laila inside 1117 Boylston Avenue East, Seattle
Picture 5: Details of the Boylston Avenue mansions park
For more information, please contact us:
Bruno Manser Fund,Socinstrasse 37,4051 Basel / Switzerland
www.bmf.ch,info@bmf.ch
Tel. +41 61 261 94 74
Filed under: Politics
See What Barisan Nasional Gotta Say?
UN Millennium Development Goals by 2015?
September 21, 2010
Rush is on to meet United Nations Millennium Goals
by Shashi Tharoor
THE target date for fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals is 2015, and the world knows it is not on course to meet those goals. So world leaders are set to gather at the United Nations to undertake a comprehensive review, with the aim of agreeing on a roadmap and a plan of action to get to the MDG finishing line on schedule.
I was at the UN in September 2000, when world leaders met at the Millennium Summit and pledged to work together to free humanity from the abject and dehumanising conditions of extreme poverty and to make the right to development a reality for everyone. These pledges include commitments to improve access to education, healthcare, and clean water for the worlds poorest people; abolish slums; reverse environmental degradation; conquer gender inequality; and cure HIV/AIDS.
Its an ambitious list, but its capstone is Goal 8, which calls for a global partnership for development. This includes four specific targets: an open, rule-based, predictable, non-discriminatory trading and financial system; special attention to the needs of least-developed countries; help for landlocked developing countries and small island states; and national and international measures to deal with developing countries debt problems.
Basically, it all boiled down to a grand bargain: while developing countries would obviously have the primary responsibility for achieving the MDGs, developed countries would be obliged to finance and support their efforts for development.
This hasnt really happened. At the Group of Eight (G8) summit at Gleneagles and the UN World Summit in! 2005, d onors committed to increasing their aid by US$50 billion (RM155 billion) at 2004 prices, and to double their aid to Africa from 2004 levels by 2010.
But official development assistance (ODA) last year amounted to US$119.6 billion, or just 0.31 per cent of the developed countries gross domestic product not even half of the UNs target of 0.7 per cent of GDP. In current US dollars, ODA actually fell by more than two per cent in 2008.
The UN admits that progress has been uneven, and that many of the MDGs are likely to be missed in most regions. An estimated 1.4 billion people were still living in extreme poverty in 2005, and the number is likely to be higher today, owing to the global economic crisis. The number of undernourished people has continued to grow, while progress in reducing the prevalence of hunger stalled or even reversed in some regions between 2000 and 2002, and 2005 and 2007.
One in four children under the age of 5 are underweight, mainly because of lack of quality food, inadequate water, sanitation and health services, and poor care and feeding practices. Gender equality and womens empowerment, which are essential to overcoming poverty and disease, have made at best fitful progress, with insufficient improvement in girls schooling opportunities or in womens access to political authority.
Progress on trade has been similarly disappointing. Developed country tariffs on imports of agricultural products, textiles and clothing the principal exports of most developing countries remained between five and eight per cent in 2008, just two to three percentage points lower than in 1998.
The time has come to reinforce Goal 8 in two fundamental ways. Developed countries must make commitments to increase both the quantity and effectiveness of aid to developing countries. Aid must help developing countries improve the welfar! e of the ir poorest populations according to their own development priorities.
But donors all too often feel obliged to make their contributions visible to their constituencies and stakeholders, rather than prioritising local perspectives and participation.
There are other problems with development aid. Reporting requirements are onerous and often impose huge administrative burdens on developing countries, which must devote the scarce skills of educated, English-speaking personnel to writing reports for donors rather than running programmes. And donor agencies often recruit the best local talent themselves, usually at salaries that distort the labour market.
In some countries, doctors find it more remunerative to work as translators for foreign-aid agencies than to treat poor patients.
Meanwhile, donors sheer clout dilutes the accountability of developing countries officials and elected representatives to their own people.
We must change the way the world goes about the business of providing development aid. We need a genuine partnership, in which developing countries take the lead, determining what they most acutely need and how best to use it. Weak capacity to absorb aid on the part of recipient countries is no excuse for donor-driven and donor-directed assistance. The aim should be to help create that capacity. Indeed, building human-resource capacity is itself a useful way of fulfilling Goal 8.
Doing so would serve donors interest as well. Aligning their assistance with national development strategies and structures, or helping countries devise such strategies and structures, ensures that their aid is usefully spent and guarantees the sustainability of their efforts. Donors should support an education policy rather than build a photogenic school; aid a health campaign rather than construct a glitt! ering cl inic; or do both but as part of a policy or a campaign, not as stand-alone projects.
Trade is the other key area. In contrast to aid, greater access to the developed worlds markets creates incentives and fosters institutions in the developing world that are self-sustaining, collectively policed and more consequential for human welfare. Many countries are prevented from trading their way out of poverty by the high tariff barriers, domestic subsidies and other protections enjoyed by their rich-country competitors.
The European Unions agricultural subsidies, for example, are high enough to permit every cow in Europe to fly business class around the world. What African farmer, despite his lower initial costs, can compete?
The onus is not on developed countries alone. Developing countries, too, have made serious commitments to their own people, and the primary responsibility for fulfilling those commitments is theirs. But Goal 8 assured them that they would not be alone in this effort. Unless that changes, the next five years will be a path to failure. Project Syndicate/www.nst.com.my
Shashi Tharoor is a former Indian minister of state for external affairs and UN under-secretary-general, as well as a member of Indias Parliament
See What Barisan Nasional Gotta Say?
There is only One Nazri Aziz, the Gutsy One
Malaysian First
September 21, 2010
There is only one Nazri Aziz, the Gutsy One
This reminds me of Hang Tuah who killed his best friend, Hang Jebat, because Jebat was a traitor to the king, despite that the king was not an enlightened ruler.
Nazri: I will shield govt, even from Mahathir
Ferdtan: Love him or hate him there is only one Mohd Nazri Abdul Aziz. For so many years, he has entertained us with his antics in Parliament that can make you laugh, cheer and cry at the same time. The fact that he has served as a minister for so long, under three different prime ministers, shows that he must be useful to whoever his boss.
He is the only UMNO leader who dares to tell off Mahathir without mincing his words. His attack on Utusan Malaysia is spot on, as the newspaper has gone bad to rotten, with its constant harping on divisive issues such as race and religion.
We would like to ask the real Awang Selamat to reveal himself and not to hide behind a pen name. Are you by chance, the infamous holier than thouChinese convert, Mohd Ridhuan Tee Abdullah?
RD: I had in the past not much fondness for the maverick Nazri Aziz whom I have always associated with half-baked thoughts. But I salute him today for the courage to be Malaysian first and Malay second a very rare quality among the present crop of UMNO leaders.
Terus: Im unconvinced but lets be fair and give credit where credit is due. It takes a courageous man to openly said he is Mala! ysian fi rst and Malay next, especially so when he is contradicting his DPM (deputy prime minister).
Syabas, Nazri. We salute you. Talking about principle, if one works for the boss, one must be loyal to the boss regardless. If you disagree with the boss you tell him so, and if after that you still disagree with the boss then it is good principle that you resign and no longer acknowledge the boss as boss. Lets pray that more cabinet and BN leaders come out and declare they are Malaysian first.
Joe Friday: You can only respect people like Nazri and KJ (Khairy Jamaluddin) for sticking to their principles and being bold enough to call spade a spade. What Nazri did by declaring his stand in an open letter to the writer of Utusan is commendable.
Perhaps the others in the cabinet should seriously show their loyalty to Najib by openly backing his agenda and condemn the extremist PERKASA including their patron, the mahaguru (Dr Mahathir Mohamad) or else tender their resignation immediately.
Kgen: The Awang Selamat pseudonym is not by a single person but by a bunch of cowardly Utusan Malaysia writers hiding their real names. Any journalist worth his salt would be proud to see his byline, so why hide behind a pseudonym? The only reason is to spew out racial bile which even their mothers would be ashamed to read.
Anon: Spoken like a true loyal subject who is willing to die for his country and master. It reminds me of Hang Tuah who killed his best friend, Hang Jebat, because Jebat was a traitor to the king, despite that the king was not an enlightened ruler. And yes, I salute your parting shot Malaysian first.
Kunta Kinte: The drama between UMNO and PERKASA is getting more and more interesting. Both sides are condemning each other like sworn enemies. The fact is, UMNO is PERKASA and PERKASA is UMNO. Period.
Tristan: I would like to take Nazri at f! ace valu e and loudly commend him for declaring what the rest of the cabinet should be saying. If only Najib had demonstrated similar clarity and decisiveness, he would be in a much better place than he is in today.
But I suppose we have to be grateful for a small glimmer of hope and trust the rest of the bunch to harbour similar sentiments (except that they are not jantan enough to say so openly). Lets also hope the silent ones do not (in the middle of the night) prevail upon him to recant and make a I was misquoted U-turn.
Transparency: Nazri strikes again! He looks like hes found wisdom somewhere along the way in his political career. And that is more than I can say for many politicians.
But I have a problem taking Nazri seriously. I want to take him seriously and I want to believe that he believes in what he says, but Nazri has made too many mistakes and sometimes this is just too hard to forget. So while I read the article with much interest and was impressed with Nazris comments, the scepticism remains. And your last comment was sweet to read, but I fear you need to try harder, Nazri.
Ghkok: Its a relief to hear Nazri say that hes Malaysian first. At the same time, it is disappointing to hear him go on and on about his loyalty to the government and his implied loyalty to Najib Razak. Hes implying that his Im Malaysian first statement is just parroting Najibs 1Malaysia slogan. Now I dont know what he means anymore.
Neither do I know what Najib means. He is waving his 1Malaysia slogan, but at the same time, doubts are raised about his 1MDB, which could potentially be another PKFZ.
Disgusted: There is a split in UMNO. Part of UMNO is with Dr Mahathir Mohamad, PERKASA and Utusan bigots and part of them are not. Those aligned with Mahathir and gang, like Muhyiddin Yassin, are actually subverting Najibs 1Malaysia with their Ketuanan Melayu and I am Malay first and Malaysian! second claims.
Nazri is one of the few with guts enough to defend Najib and his 1Malaysia. Within UMNO, there are Najibs bag carriers, Mahathirs bag carriers, and the fence sitters. They are only concerned with themselves and protecting their own political agenda and turf.
Kudos for Nazri being outright and for making his stand. Even Najib does not have the guts like Nazri. I hope Nazri doesnt lose them as most of them in UMNO do after coming under pressure.
Aku Melayu: Nazris parting shot And yes, I am a Malaysian first and Malay next. Does any bigot have a problem with that? sounds more like an insurance for him to fall back to if (I repeat, if) Pakatan Rakyat forms the next federal government. Their doors might welcome you. Clever move Nazri. Anyway, I will always be Malay first till death.
Imran Shah: You can be proud of whatever roots you have. But when you are entrusted to be part of a government, you have to champion all your subjects fairly.
Imagine what would it appear like if in a public forum, the PM of Singapore Lee Hsien Loong said he is Chinese first and then Singaporean second; Manmohan Singh of India said he is Sikh first and then Indian; Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of Indonesia said he is Javanese first and then Indonesian; the Thai PM Abhisit Vejjajiva said he is Chinese (which he is) first and then Thai?
Libra: Nazri, you did the right thing. I hope other UMNO leaders will come out in support of you. BN will not get the peoples support if their leaders are wishy washy. The country must change and adapt to global changes in order to survive. PAS is getting more support because their leaders have changed their old ways. Can UMNO-BN do better than PAS-Pakatan?
Vijay: Reading these valiant words by Nazri, I was moved to tears at the heroism shown by this, yes, Malaysian hero. I humbly make some additions to his inspiring words We shall! go on t o the end, we shall fight Utusan, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air and television, we shall defend our nation, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight in Sabah and Sarawak, we shall fight on in Kubang Pasu, we shall fight in the padi fields of Kuala Lumpur and in the streets of Ipoh, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender.
I know that you will be most steadfast in this your noble mission, that you shall never, in days to dawn upon us, plead that you were misquoted, that in truth UMNO forsooth stands alongside PERKASA and that knave, Ibrahim Ali.
Kind Sir, forget thee not to wield thy mighty keris and smite them as would dare look upon thee (excepting of course, the attorney-general Abdul Gani Patail, the former IGP Musa Hassan, and the former MB Mohd Khir Toyo).
The above are a selection of comments posted by Malaysiakini subscribers. Only Malaysiakini subscribers can post comments. Over the past one year, Malaysiakinians have posted over 100,000 comments.
Letter & Opinion From Joe Public
Samy Vellu may quit soon, but not before killing two birds
By JK Jayan
COMMENT MIC is once again abuzz with speculation that its president of three decades S Samy Vellu would be vacating his post by the end of the year and an announcement on this would be made on Dec 18. This is the date set for the launching of Samy Vellu's biography which is supposedly being penned by a prominent writer from Tamil Nadu.
It is said that Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak would be launching the book and it is here that Samy Vellu is expected to announce his retirement either on Dec 31 or Jan 15 next year.
A grand farewell dinner is also scheduled to be held on the same day and would be attended by MICs rank and file.
However, the president's recent moves has left many in MIC puzzled.
He has already announced the formation of 2,000 branches to strengthen the party in view of the forthcoming general election expected to take place within the next one to two years.
In his last public announcement about his retirement, he vehemently denied leaving soon, confirming once again that he would stick to his plan to step down in September 2011.
Over the last few days, he had been organising party meetings where all branch chairmen were summoned but there were no announcements regarding his retirement.
A snap presidential election?
These moves point to two possibilities: Either he is shoring up support among the faithful to continue remaining at the helm or he is preparing to hold a presidential election to elect the next leader.
The first possibility is a little far-fetched since it is clear that the Barisan Nasional would not want to face another general election with Samy Vellu helming MIC.
The second possibility is more likely since it is rumoured that ties between Samy Vellu and his annointed successor G Palanivel have ! become s trained.
The branch chairmen, who would vote in the presidential election, could have been summoned in order for Samy Vellu to indicate that a different leader should be chosen.
MIC sources said that Samy Vellus decision to put a weak leader like Palanivel as number two was to ensure that the latter would always remain loyal, while the president exerted his power and consolidated his grip on the party and its valuable assets, namely MIED and Aimst University.
However, the outcome of the 2008 general election and the emergence of pressure groups like Gerakan Anti Samy Vellu (GAS) have thrown a spanner into the works.
Should Palanivel take over now, he might steer the party away from Samy Vellu in order to win back Indian support.
Friction over MIED suit
Sources revealed that Samy Vellu is also disappointed with Palanivel for hiring his own lawyers to defend him (Palanivel) in his capacity as MIED director in relation to the suit brought by former MIC Youth leader SA Vigneswaran against all the directors and trustees of MIED for allegedly mismanaging the trust corporation.
Another director KS Nijhar is also said to have indicated that he would employ his own lawyers.
This is despite Samy Vellu having stated his preference that MIED lawyers represent all the directors.
It is believed that Samy Vellu might be placed in an disadvantageous position if the directors filed separate defences and affidavits since most of the decisions concerning MIED were made by the president single-handedly.
Upset with such developments, sources said the president might consider bringing another, more loyal man, to sit as his heir apparent and the grapevine points at Human Resources Minister Dr S Subramaniam.
His Cabinet position and the fact that he is well-received by delegates across the board could see him clinch the the number two slot with relative ease.
Mission 'Kill Subra'
Apar! t from t his, Samy Vellu is also said to be concerned that if he steps down now and let Palanivel become acting president, it could pave the way for his nemesis S Subramaniam's return.
The former deputy president might align himself with the anti-Samy Vellu and anti-Palanivel forces within MIC to come back to power again. This would not be easy, but it is not entirely impossible.
There is also a likelihood that Palanivel might extend an olive branch to Subramaniam and bring him back into the fold since the latter still commands strong support.
So Samy Vellu wants to his finish his political rival once and for all before stepping down, and one way to do this is to call for a presidential election while he is still in power so that he could ensure that Subramaniam never makes it as the next president.
By calling for a snap presidential election, Samy Vellu would kill two birds with one stone, vanquishing his arch rival and installing a leader of his choice.
There are differing views whether the MIC constitution allows for such a contest, and when the question was put forth to a lawyer aligned the president, he said: The constitution is clear that a presidential poll can be held at any time three months before the expiry of the term of president.
The CWC (central working committee) will have to endorse the decision and I dont see anyone including Palanivel of having the political muscle to assemble the majority of CWC members against Samy Vellu to overthrow such an endorsement.
Almost 10 of them serve in the CWC because of their appointments by Samy Vellu. So it will not be difficult for Samy Vellu to get such an endorsement, he added.
The lawyer also pointed out that once the CWC makes a decision, the Societies Act forbids any quarters from challenging it in court.
So your only recourse is the Registrar of Societies who might not be able to find a favourable clause in the constitution not to call for a presidential election.
Also remember, even i! f the re gistrar finds one, his decision can still be challenged by disgruntled parties in court and thus dragging the matter for months, he said.
This will give additional room for Samy Vellu to continue. Above all, the 4,000-odd MIC branch chairmen seem to be excited in favour of a presidential election since it will put the power back into their hands to elect a leader of their choice democratically.
In the final count, it is all in the hands of Samy Vellu what he wants to do, he added.
courtesy of FMT
See What Barisan Nasional Gotta Say?
PKR No. 2 chase: Waiting for the neutrals to sway
 |
| Zaid and Azmin |
The powerful Anwar Ibrahim family is trying to play down any perceived support for those contesting the PKR deputy president’s post and Nurul Izzah Anwar, in a surprising turn of events, is insisting that she is taking a neutral stand.
Azmin Ali’s nature as the consummate politician is in full play. On Sunday, he was zipping from one Hari Raya open house to another, be it events hosted by those aligned to him in the PKR deputy president’s contest or that of people who have endorsed his rival Datuk Zaid Ibrahim.
He turned up for lunch at the Damansara Heights home of Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, who, as everyone knows, is with Zaid.
Then he was off to the Lembah Pantai open house of MP Nurul Izzah Anwar, whom Zaid had claimed to be his ally.
In a contest as crucial as the No 2 post, there are no clearcut friends or enemies. Everyone has to be treated as a friend and that was how Azmin has been playing the game.
But life and politics can be full of surprises and today, Nurul Izzah insisted that she is “officially neutral” on this key post.
Apparently, a speech she made in Kuching about supporting “true fighters” and rejecting the “wolves in sheep’s clothing” was not aimed at any particular PKR leader as reported in a news portal aligned to Zaid.
The news portal had implied that her first remark was in reference to Zaid and the second to Azmin and came to the conclusion that she was supporting Zaid.
“I was not referring to Zaid or Azmin. I was talking about Perkasa and Ibrahim Ali,” she said.
Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, the Seri Setia assemblyman who is aligned to Azmin, said: “Nurul and I speak on the phone every other day. Take it from me, she is not backing anyone and she wants to focus on winning the Lembah Pantai division post.”
Still, that should not be taken to mean that she is warm to the idea of Azmin as the No 2 or that she no longer favours Zaid. As she said, the neutral position is her official stand.
Candidates for the key post want to be seen as having the endorsement of the powerful Anwar Ibrahim family, or what some call the “powerful trinity” in PKR comprising Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail and Nurul Izzah.
But the family seems to be playing it cool now that the division meetings are finally taking off. A total of 81 divisions completed their meetings last weekend.
The outcome has been expected, yet surprising.
Azmin, an incumbent vice-president, is in the lead with 41 nominations. On the other hand, Zaid, for a Johnny-come-lately to PKR politics, has done remarkably well with 21 nominations.
It does speak quite well for the democratic spirit in PKR because it is hard to think of any other party, whether in Barisan Nasional or Pakatan Rakyat, that would have condoned someone who had been in the party for only one year running for such a key post.
The person would have been rounded upon as melampau (too much) or, worse, power-crazy.
But here is Zaid being taken very seriously in the contest that has occupied centrestage in PKR’s first one-man-one-vote system of election.
The other surprising thing is that Sabah was a letdown for Zaid, who received only seven nominations against Azmin’s 14. This is the state where Zaid is said to enjoy widespread support and where Azmin is said to be highly unpopular.
It looks like Zaid’s chief ally in Sabah, Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan, failed to deliver. The question now is that if he cannot deliver the nominations, can he deliver the votes later?
Jeffrey is a household name in Sabah but his problem is that he has been in too many political parties and carries too much baggage to make a credible impact among the younger PKR members.
“They say he does not reflect the new politics we are talking about,” said one young PKR politician.
Even Zaid’s home state of Kelantan delivered six nominations to Azmin against four to Zaid. But there are still four more divisions in Kelantan that have not met and Zaid should try to get them for a moral booster.
Last weekend’s meetings comprised mainly divisions in Sabah, Kedah, Perlis, Penang, Perak and Pahang.
Apart from Azmin and Zaid, Mustapa Kamil Ayob, who represents the Abim remnants of PKR, secured 10 nominations, Batu MP Tian Chua two and Kuantan MP Fuziah Salleh one.
Sources said if Zaid does not get at least 50 nominations, he may not stay in the race.
But it is still early days and Zaid may just catch up. Moreover, as some pointed out, the nominations are done by an open show of hands but the voting will be by secret ballot.
Things may turn out quite differently on polling day.
Read more at http://thestar.com.my/columnists/story.asp?file=/2010/9/21/columnists/joceline/7070010&sec=Joceline
Tian Chua: Masalahnya dengan PKR...
 |
| Tian Chua |
(MerdekaReview) - Menawan Putrajaya - satu misi yang mungkin terlalu mencabar untuk sebuah parti politik yang hanya berusia 11 tahun. Lebih-lebih lagi, parti ini mula dibebani dengan pelbagai masalah sebelum ia sempat menjejak langkahnya ke Putrajaya - perbezaan pendirian sehingga tercetusnya perbalahan terbuka, arus "keluar parti" yang menderas, perebutan kuasa dalaman dan sebagainya.
Sementara Anwar Ibrahim menjulang harapan anggota parti dan penyokong di luar parti untuk merampas kuasa kerajaan persekutuan daripada regim Barisan Nasional (BN), Ketua Umum PKR ini juga tidak terelak daripada menjadi sasaran pertama yang dituding jari, apabila situasi parti menjadi seolah-olah di luar kawalannya.
Bermula daripada pertikaian isu agama Islam yang dicungkil Zulkifli Noordin, disusuli pula pemimpin yang keluar parti seperti Zahrain Hashim, Salehuddin Hashim, Wee Choo Keong dan sebagainya; sehinggalah apa yang berlaku di Selangor antara Azmin Ali dengan Khalid Ibrahim dalam Kongres Nasional Tahunan pada Mei 2010, PKR memberi persepsi yang semakin tercalar di khalayak ramai.
Dalam satu wawancara bersama MerdekaReview pada 11 Julai 2010, Tian Chua, salah seorang "veteran" yang masih tinggal dalam PKR, memberi gambaran dari kaca matanya di sebalik "kekecohan" ini.
Kelemahan, juga keistimewaan Anwar
Zulkifli Noordin mencetuskan pertikaian sejak beliau merempuh forum bertemakan isu agama anjuran Majlis Peguam Malaysia pada Ogos 2008. Namun demikian, isu ini dikendalikan secara "berhati-hati", malah lebih tepat secara "senyap-senyap", memandangkan seluruh tenaga PKR ditumpukan pada PRK Permatang Pauh, yang menyaksikan "kembalinya Anwar secara rasmi" ke dalam parlimen.
 |
| Anwar - still a magnet for the crowds |
"Adakah ini kelemahan, atau keistimewaan Anwar? Pada dasarnya Anwar seorang demokrat. Jadi beliau selalu menyimpan 'sangka baik' terhadap kritikan yang dilontarkan terhadapnya. 'Dia kritik saya, ok-lah, sabarlah, saya bincang dengannya kemudian selesai' (sikap Anwar)." Tian Chua membela Ketua Umumnya, sambil memberi contoh bagaimana Anwar mempertemukan Zulkifli Noordin dengan tokoh agama, Yusof Al-Qaradawi, untuk membincangkan isu penggunaan kalimah Allah.
Tian Chua berkata, ramai orang yang menganggap bahawa Anwar mempunyai kedudukan yang tidak tercabar dalam parti, tetapi pada hakikatnya, Anwar jarang menggunakan kewibawaan ini untuk menyelesaikan masalah. Sebaliknya beliau tetap dengan "sangka baiknya", dan beliau tidak percaya, seandainya diberitahu, misalnya "Wee Choo Keong telah bertemu dengan pemimpin UMNO".
"Semestinya ia (sikap Anwar ini) ada baik dan buruknya. Ini bermakna apabila berdepan dengan masalah, maka orang di sisi Anwar perlu memikirkan cara untuk mengurangkan bahaya dan ancaman masalah tersebut," katanya.
Antara disiplin dengan perbezaan pandangan
Ketika mengulas siri kejadian yang berlaku, sehingga PKR dilihat "kecoh", Tian Chua mengakui bahawa partinya masih dalam proses untuk mengimbangkan diri, antara "disiplin" dengan "ruang perbezaan pendapat". "Adakah kami perlu mengetatkan disiplin ke satu tahap, di mana kesemua daripada kami mencapai muafakat, 'tiada masalah' (no problem), ataupun kami dibenarkan untuk mengakui bahawa kami mempunyai pendapat yang berbeza?"
| Zul Noordin - indiscipline |
Lantaran daripada itu, Tian Chua menafikan tuduhan bahawa Anwar mempunyai kedudukan tertinggi yang tidak boleh dicabar dalam parti. "Jikalau semuanya diputuskan Anwar, maka kami tidak akan mempunyai katak, tidak ada riuh-rendah, tiada lagi orang yang kata 'saya nak ikut halatuju ini dan ada pula yang mahu ikut halatuju itu di Selangor'."
Bagaimanapun, Tian Chua mengakui kelemahan PKR yang selama ini beroperasi berdasarkan "idealisme". Mekanisme 'puji dan hukum' (power of reward and punishment) dalam PKR masih lemah, dan perlu diperkasa untuk kepentingan jangka panjang parti, katanya.
Keluar parti: Pengaruh budaya UMNO?
Kebangkitan semula PKR selepas 8 Mac 2008 mungkin cukup memberangsangkan buat reformis yang lebih satu dekad bergelut dalam perjuangan ini. Namun, keghairahan ini surut tidak lama kemudian, lebih-lebih lagi selepas kegagalan rampasan kuasa pada 16 September 2008.
| Zahrain - allegations of graft |
Tian Chua meminjam istilah Marxisme, untuk menjelaskan bahawa kebangkitan sesebuah parti yang menganjurkan revolusi (perubahan) biasanya dimulakan dengan golongan "Lumpenproletariat", iaitu mereka yang tidak memiliki apa-apa untuk dihilangkan (nothing to lose). Golongan pertengahan seperti peguam, ahli korporat biasanya hanya menyusul di belakang.
Menurut Tian Chua, PKR mempunyai ramai anggota seperti itu (golongan Lumpenproletariat), yang tidak semestinya bekas ahli UMNO. Bukan semua daripada mereka mempunyai "agenda reformasi" untuk dimainkan dalam otak. Jadi, apabila PKR memegang kuasa (kerajaan negeri), orang yang tidak mempunyai idealisme reformasi mula merungut.
"Sesetengah akan berkata, untuk 10 tahun saya berkorban, kini tibalah masa saya mengecapi kekayaan dan kemewahan." Golongan ini akan meninggalkan PKR dengan penuh kekecewaan, apabila parti ini gagal memenuhi kemahuan mereka, jelas Tian Chua.
Golongan kedua pula, dilambung ke atas kerana ombak tsunami politik PRU ke-12, biarpun tidak masak dengan dasar mahupun selok-belok pentadbiran kerajaan negeri. Mereka menyedari bahawa diri mereka tidak layak untuk tempat itu, malah tidak mungkin dipilih semula untuk menyandang jawatan tersebut. Jadi, mereka memilih untuk meninggalkan PKR, memandangkan orang yang baru masuk PKR memiliki kelebihan daripada diri.
Tian Chua mengambil ahli parlimen Bayan Baru, Zahrain Hashim (gambar kiri) sebagai contoh untuk golongan ketiga, iaitu ahli korporat proksi UMNO. Golongan ini dipinggirkan semasa perbalahan dalam UMNO, kerana "tersilap" pilih sekta. Oleh itu, mereka pun menyertai PKR. Selepas PKR menguasai kerajaan negeri, maka mereka pun mendesak agar mereka dilantik sebagai pengarah syarikat tertentu, untuk mengembalikan kemegahan mereka seketika dahulu.
Selain tiga golongan di atas, Tian Chua menganggap suara berbeza yang muncul dalam parti disebabkan corak pimpinan yang berbeza. Tian Chua selanjutnya mengulas perbezaan yang timbul antara Menteri Besar Selangor, dengan Azmin Ali, Naib Presiden yang baru-baru mengambil alih jawatan Pengerusi Perhubungan Negeri Selangor dari Khalid Ibrahim.
Khalid vs Azmin
"Saya tidak boleh secara ringkasnya, melabelkan Khalid sebagai golongan progresif, dan Azmin sebagai golongan konservatif. Untuk saya, perbezaannya sebegini, langkah pembaharuan dalam sistem kakitangan awam dan korporat terlalu perlahan. Dasar parti gagal diterapkan sepenuhnya. Ini kerana kami terlalu beri muka kepada kakitangan kerajaan ini, dan kami terlalu ikut prosedur. Tapi prosedur ini ditetapkan UMNO. Tan Sri (Khalid) tidak mahu menyentuhnya pada kebanyakan masa," kata Tian Chua.
 |
| Zaid and Azmin |
"Masalahnya apabila kami berdepan dengan tekanan, anda menyerahkan jawatan ini kepada ahli profesional dan pegawai kerajaan. Ia menyebabkan satu situasi tersekat (jam), dan menjadi rintangan kepada diri kita." Tian Chua bersambung, maka orang dalam parti tertanya-tanya, "mengapa orang ini bekas penyokong BN, dan kini hanya dengan menukar topinya (sokong BN), dia masih memegang jawatan dalam kerajaan kami?"
"Caranya mengolah isu ini, atau penyampaiannya memberi gambaran seakan-akan dialah yang mahukan jawatan tersebut, tetapi pada hakikatnya bukan semestinya begitu," jelas Tian Chua.
Tian Chua seterusnya memberi contoh masalah yang dihadapi Khalid Ibrahim, yang akhirnya menjurus kepada penyerahan jawatan Pengerusi Perhubungan Negeri Selangor kepada Azmin Ali.
"Dalam mesyuarat, seorang Ketua Cabang mengetengahkan masalahnya. Hutang bil air dan elektrik pejabat cabang telah tertunggak untuk tiga bulan, dan akan dipotong jika tidak dijelaskan. Khalid tidak mungkin memberi satu projek kepadanya, dan berkata 'nah, kamu pergi selesaikan masalah ini'. Maka ketua cabang pun mencadangkan jamuan kutipan derma, dan meminta agar Tan Sri (Khalid) hadir."
"Sudah tentu Tan Sri (Khalid) bosan dengan perkara remeh temeh ini, kerana beliau sebagai Menteri Besar nak uruskan hal pentadbiran negeri. Jadi, beliau akan mengambil sikap 'jangan kamu bangkitkan isu ini kepada saya, kamu cakap dengan orang lain'... Masalahnya, Tan Sri ialah Pengerusi Perhubungan Negeri Selangor. Pemimpin akar umbi akan tertanya-tanya, siapa lagi yang harus selesaikan masalah bil bekalan air dan elektrik, kalau bukan beliau?"
Tian Chua menambah, "Ini masalah yang benar wujud, dan bukan soal Ketua Cabang tamakkan wang, merungut kerana tidak mendapat projek. Parti pada peringkat pusat kini memberi arahan, menggariskan matlamat pendaftaran pemilih pada 6000 orang setiap cabang. Tetapi ketua cabang berkata, bil air dan elektrik belum dijelaskan, saya gagal mencapai matlamat yang digariskan."
Dalam situasi sedemikian, Tian Chua tidak menolak bahawa timbulnya rungutan daripada segelintir anggota parti, yang mahukan Khalid Ibrahim dijatuhkan, tetapi agak keterlaluan untuk dikatakan bahawa wujud satu komplot yang terancang agar Khalid digulingkan.
Tian Chua, yang mengakui dirinya bukan menyetujui Azmin Ali dalam semua isu, bagaimanapun sanggup membela Azmin Ali dalam isu ini. Pada tanggapan Tian Chua, adalah kurang adil untuk Azmin Ali apabila ditonjolkan dengan imej negatif dalam media.
Tian Chua, pemimpin yang sama taraf dari segi senioritinya dengan Azmin Ali, berkata "veteran" seperti mereka akan menerima arahan bos, Anwar untuk menyelesaikan masalah yang timbul, misalnya di Sabah. "Tetapi untuk sesetengah orang, kami akan dianggap sebagai 'wakil dari pusat untuk campur tangan' dalam isu tempatan, atau negeri," katanya.
Read more at http://merdekareview.com/bm/news.php?n=11100
